al-Adid
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Imam–Caliph of the Fatimid Caliphate | |
Reign | 1160–1171 |
Predecessor | al-Fa'iz bi-Nasr Allah |
Successor |
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Born | 9 May 1151 Cairo, Fatimid Caliphate |
Died | 13 September 1171 (aged 20) Cairo, Fatimid Caliphate |
Issue |
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Dynasty | Fatimid |
Father | Yusuf ibn al-Hafiz |
Religion | Isma'ilism |
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Abū Muḥammad ʿAbd Allāh ibn Yūsuf ibn al-Ḥāfiẓ (
Like his two immediate predecessors, al-Adid came to the throne as a child, and spent his reign as a
Saladin was initially conciliatory towards al-Adid, but quickly consolidated his hold over Egypt, and proceeded to gradually dismantle the Fatimid regime. Fatimid loyalists in the army were purged and replaced with Syrian troops, culminating in the failed mutiny of the
Origin
The future al-Adid was born on 9 May 1151,
By this time, the Fatimid dynasty was in decline. The official doctrine of
Reign
Al-Fa'iz was of sickly disposition and died on 22 July 1160, aged only eleven years. Lacking a direct heir, nine-year-old al-Adid was elevated to the throne by another all-powerful vizier, Tala'i ibn Ruzzik, on 23 July 1160. To further cement his hold over the caliph, Ibn Ruzzik married him to one of his daughters.[1][8][12] Throughout his reign, al-Adid was little more than a figurehead monarch, effectively a puppet in the hands of courtiers and strongmen who disputed with one another over the spoils of the tottering Fatimid state.[1][2] As the French orientalist Gaston Wiet comments, "The Arab writers seem uncertain, and intermittently attribute to him stray impulses of revolt, which had little success [...] in general the caliph looked on helplessly at a shattering series of tragic incidents of which he himself was finally to be the victim."[1]
As a result of the lack of information about al-Adid, his personal traits are not well known. Ibn Khallikan reports that he was violently pro-
Power struggles in Cairo
Ibn Ruzzik, who was inclined towards the Twelver branch of Shi'ism,[14][15] was assassinated on 11 September 1161, possibly with the knowledge of the young caliph, as the deed was said to have been instigated by one of al-Adid's aunts, Sitt al-Qusur.[1][16][17] Nevertheless, his place was immediately taken by his son, Ruzzik ibn Tala'i, who likewise denied any power to the caliph.[18][19] The new vizier had Sitt al-Qusur strangled, while al-Adid came under the auspices of another aunt, who had to swear that she had not been involved in the murder plot.[19] Soon after, the new vizier suppressed the last revolt by a claimant of the rival Nizari line of the Fatimid dynasty, Muhammad ibn al-Husayn ibn Nizar: arriving from the Maghreb (western North Africa), he had tried to raise Cyrenaica and Alexandria in revolt, but was captured and executed in August 1162.[15][20]
Al-Adid—or rather, a palace clique acting through him[2]—turned to Shawar, the governor of Upper Egypt, for support in deposing Ruzzik. With the backing of a Bedouin army, Shawar was indeed successful in capturing Cairo in late December 1162, and had his predecessor executed;[21] he too assumed complete control of the government, excluding the caliph from public affairs.[13] As the contemporary poet Umara ibn Abi al-Hasan al-Yamani commented, "with the end of the Banu Ruzzik ended the Egyptian dynasty".[22]
Shawar was evicted from Cairo in August 1163 by the majordomo Dirgham, but escaped to his Bedouin supporters, before travelling to Damascus to seek the assistance of Nur al-Din.[23][24] This was an ominous development for the Fatimids. For Nur al-Din, whom the historian Farhad Daftary describes as a "fervent Sunni", Shawar's arrival opened the possibility of intervening in Egypt, not only in order to unify the core territories of the Muslim world under his rule, but also in order to overthrow the Isma'ili Shi'ite Fatimid regime and return the country to Sunni Abbasid allegiance.[13][25][26]
Foreign interventions and the fall of Dirgham
In the meantime, Dirgham's regime in Egypt became ever more unpopular, and he quickly lost support among the military.
The obvious vulnerability of Egypt to the Crusaders encouraged Nur al-Din to agree to provide assistance to Shawar, who promised in return to send him a third of Egypt's revenue as tribute, and to become his vassal. The remaining two thirds were to be split up between al-Adid and Shawar.[29][30][31] Shawar was sent back to Egypt accompanied by a small expeditionary force, barely a thousand strong, under the Kurdish general Shirkuh, who was joined by his nephew, Saladin.[13][17][32] This double foreign intervention was a significant point of rupture in the history of the Fatimid state and Egypt: enfeebled by the constant civil wars, but still possessing a vibrant economy and immense resources, the country now became a prize in the wider struggle between Damascus and Jerusalem. Both powers aimed to take over Egypt while preventing the other from doing so, leading to the eventual downfall of the Fatimid dynasty.[33][15][27]
Dirgham appealed to Amalric for help against the Syrians, but the King of Jerusalem was unable to intervene in time: in late April 1164, the Syrians surprised and defeated Dirgham's brother at
Shawar's second vizierate
Shawar was restored to the vizierate on 26 May 1164, but quickly fell out with Shirkuh, who attacked Cairo. Shawar now asked for Amalric's help in driving the Syrian army out of Egypt.[13][36] Shirkuh and Saladin confronted the Crusaders at Bilbays for three months, until Nur al-Din captured Harim in Syria, forcing Amalric to retreat north in November 1164. Left dangerously short of supplies, Shirkuh was obliged to follow suit, after receiving 50,000 dinars from Shawar.[37][38]
Shawar's position was secured, for a time: having experienced Egypt, its wealth, and the feebleness of its regime, Shirkuh persuaded Nur al-Din to send him again south in January 1167.
This de facto submission to the Crusaders displeased many at the Fatimid court, including Shawar's own son, al-Kamil Shuja, who secretly contacted Nur al-Din for assistance.[42] The Syrians were pre-empted, however, by Amalric, who in October 1168 set out to conquer Egypt; even before launching their campaign, the Crusader leaders divided the country among themselves.[42] As the Crusaders entered Egypt and massacred the inhabitants of Bilbays on 5 November 1168, al-Kamil Shuja persuaded al-Adid to call upon Nur al-Din for assistance. Shawar vehemently opposed this, warning the young caliph of the dire consequences for himself if the Syrians should prevail.[43] Nevertheless, the horrifying news of the massacre at Bilbays rallied opposition to the Crusader advance,[44] and al-Adid is reported to have sent a plea for aid in secret,[43] although this may be an invention by later chroniclers eager to justify Saladin's rise to power.[45] In the meantime, the Crusaders arrived before the gates of Cairo, and began a siege of the city. Shawar had to evacuate the unwalled sister city of Fustat. The sources claim that Shawar, apparently in panic, had the city torched to the ground,[46][47] but this may be a later invention, and the extent of the destruction was likely much exaggerated.[48] The siege lasted until 2 January 1169, when the Crusaders departed on the approach of the Syrian troops; on 8 January, Shirkuh and his 6,000 men arrived before Cairo.[49]
After a few days of uneasy coexistence, Shawar was seized by Shirkuh's men on 18 January 1169, during a visit to the Syrian camp. Al-Adid is reported to have urged, or at least consented to, the execution of his vizier, which took place on the same day.[50][51] Two days later, Shirkuh was appointed vizier, with the title of al-Malik al-Mansur (lit. 'the Victorious King').[25][52] Shirkuh's sudden rise alarmed the Crusaders, and displeased Nur al-Din, who mistrusted his subordinate's intentions; the Syrian ruler even wrote to al-Adid, asking him to send the Syrian troops—and their commander—home.[53] Al-Adid did not reply, and was apparently satisfied with his new minister, as Shirkuh appeared to respect the Fatimid institutions, leaving the regime's officials in their place.[54]
Saladin's vizierate
Shirkuh died from choking on his meal on 23 March 1169. His unexpected departure left a power vacuum, both in the Fatimid government as well as the Syrian expeditionary force. The Fatimid elites conferred in the caliphal palace. Some proposed that Saladin be appointed to the vizierate, while others, led by the eunuch majordomo Mu'tamin al-Khilafa Jawhar, suggested that the Syrians should be given military fiefs (iqta') in the Nile Delta, thus removing them from Cairo, and that no vizier should be appointed, with al-Adid resuming personal rule like his predecessors at the beginning of the dynasty.[55] The Syrian commanders also vied among themselves for the leadership, until Saladin emerged as the favoured candidate.[56] Then, on 26 March 1169, Saladin was received at the caliphal palace and appointed to the vizierate,[8][57] with the title of al-Malik al-Nasir (lit. 'the King who Brings Victory').[25] The fiction that Saladin was al-Adid's servant was upheld, but the real balance of power is shown by the fact that in the document of investiture, for the first time, the vizierate was declared as hereditary.[58]
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Nevertheless, Saladin's position was far from secure. His forces numbered a few thousand and, even though superior in combat ability, were massively outnumbered by the Fatimid troops.
The pro-Fatimid opposition against the ascendancy of Saladin and his Syrians coalesced around Mu'tamin al-Khilafa Jawhar. The conspirators reportedly did not hesitate to contact the Crusaders for help, in the hopes that a new Crusader invasion would draw Saladin away from Cairo, allowing them to seize control of the capital.[8][68] When a letter to this effect fell into his hands, Saladin seized the opportunity to quickly and ruthlessly purge Cairo of his rivals, and Mu'tamin al-Khalifa was assassinated. Thereupon, on 21 August 1169, the Black African troops rose in revolt. In street fighting that lasted for two days, Saladin defeated them and ousted them from the city. They were pursued and defeated by Turan-Shah, while their quarters in the suburb of al-Mansuriyya were burnt.[68][69][70] In the aftermath, Saladin appointed his confidante, Baha al-Din Qaraqush, as majordomo of the caliphal palaces, thus securing control of the caliph and his court.[71][72][73]
Deprived of any loyal troops and closely watched over in his own palace by Qaraqush, al-Adid was now completely at Saladin's mercy.[74][75] When a joint Byzantine–Crusader attack was launched on Damietta in October–December 1169, al-Adid handed over a million dinars to finance the expedition sent against the invaders.[68][73] The historian Michael Brett sees in this a measure of accommodation by the caliph to the new situation,[68] but Lev speaks of blatant "extortion" of al-Adid by Saladin, pointing out that the caliph was effectively under house arrest, and that his contribution of such an enormous sum only served to weaken his position.[73] When Saladin's father, Ayyub, arrived in Cairo in March 1170, the caliph in person rode out with Saladin to meet him—an unheard-of honour—and awarded him the title al-Malik al-Awhad (lit. 'the Singular King').[76]
With his position secure, Saladin solidified control of the administrative machinery of Egypt by appointing Syrians instead of native Egyptians to all public posts.
Death and the end of the Fatimid Caliphate
Saladin's assault on the Fatimid regime culminated on 10 September 1171, when the Shafi'i jurist
Saladin's reaction to al-Adid's death was careful: he attended the funeral for al-Adid in person,
After al-Adid's death, the still sizeable Isma'ili community was persecuted by Saladin's new
References
- ^ a b c d e f Wiet 1960, p. 196.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Saleh 2009.
- ^ Sajjadi, Daftary & Umar 2008, p. 69.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 237, 247.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 223, 237.
- ^ a b Daftary 2007, p. 250.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 236–237.
- ^ a b c d e Şeşen 1988, p. 374.
- ^ Brett 2017, pp. 277, 280.
- ^ Daftary 2007, p. 248.
- ^ a b Lev 1999, p. 53.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 247–248.
- ^ a b c d e f Wiet 1960, p. 197.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 244–245.
- ^ a b c Sajjadi, Daftary & Umar 2008, p. 70.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 248–249.
- ^ a b c d Daftary 2007, p. 251.
- ^ Wiet 1960, pp. 196–197.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, p. 249.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 249, 384 (note 69).
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 249–250, 261.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 250.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 262–264.
- ^ Brett 2017, pp. 288–289.
- ^ a b c d e f Daftary 2007, p. 252.
- ^ Lev 1999, p. 58.
- ^ a b Brett 2017, p. 289.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, p. 263.
- ^ Lev 1999, p. 57.
- ^ Sajjadi, Daftary & Umar 2008, pp. 70–71.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 263–264.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, p. 264.
- ^ Lev 1999, pp. 57–58.
- ^ Brett 2017, pp. 289–290.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, p. 265.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 266–267.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 268.
- ^ a b Brett 2017, p. 290.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, p. 269.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 269–272.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 272–276.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, p. 276.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, p. 277.
- ^ Lev 1999, pp. 59–60.
- ^ Brett 2017, p. 291.
- ^ Lev 1999, pp. 60–61.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 277–278.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 278–279.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 277, 279.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 280.
- ^ Lev 1999, pp. 47–48, 62–65.
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- ^ Ehrenkreutz 1972, pp. 70–71.
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- ^ Ehrenkreutz 1972, p. 72.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 284–285.
- ^ a b Lev 1999, p. 82.
- ^ Ehrenkreutz 1972, pp. 72–75.
- ^ Lev 1999, pp. 66, 76–78.
- ^ a b c d Brett 2017, p. 292.
- ^ a b c Şeşen 1988, p. 375.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 285–286.
- ^ Ehrenkreutz 1972, p. 77.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 286.
- ^ a b c Lev 1999, p. 84.
- ^ Ehrenkreutz 1972, pp. 79, 85.
- ^ Lev 1999, pp. 84–85.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 288.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 288–289.
- ^ a b Lev 1999, p. 85.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, pp. 289–290.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 289.
- ^ Brett 2017, p. 293.
- ^ Lev 1999, p. 86.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 290.
- ^ Daftary 2007, pp. 252–253.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 290–291.
- ^ Lev 1999, p. 83.
- ^ a b c Sajjadi, Daftary & Umar 2008, p. 72.
- ^ a b c Halm 2014, p. 291.
- ^ a b Brett 2017, p. 294.
- ^ Daftary 2007, pp. 253–255.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 292, 294–299.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 237, 300.
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- Saleh, Marlis J. (2009). "al-ʿĀḍid li-Dīn Allāh". In Fleet, Kate; ISSN 1873-9830.
- Şeşen, Ramazan (1988). "Âdıd-Lidînillâh". TDV Encyclopedia of Islam, Vol. 1 (Âb-ı Hayat – El-ahkâmü'ş-şer'i̇yye) (in Turkish). Istanbul: ISBN 978-975-954-801-8.
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