David I of Scotland
David I | |
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Margaret of Wessex |
David I or Dauíd mac Maíl Choluim (
When David's brother
The term "Davidian Revolution" is used by many scholars to summarise the changes that took place in Scotland during his reign. These included his foundation of burghs and regional markets, implementation of the ideals of Gregorian Reform, foundation of monasteries, Normanisation of the Scottish government, and the introduction of feudalism through immigrant Anglo-Norman, Norman and Flemish knights.
Early years
David was born on a date unknown in 1084 in Scotland.
In 1093, King Malcolm and David's brother Edward were killed at the
King
During the power struggle of 1093–97, David was in England. In 1093, he may have been about nine years old.
Early rule 1113–1124
Prince of the Cumbrians
David's brother King Edgar had visited William Rufus in May 1099 and bequeathed to David extensive territory to the south of the
King Henry's backing seems to have been enough to force King Alexander to recognise his younger brother's claims. This probably occurred without bloodshed, but through threat of force nonetheless.
Olc a ndearna mac Mael Colaim, |
It's bad what Máel Coluim's son has done;, |
If "divided from" is anything to go by, this quatrain may have been written in David's new territories in southern Scotland.
Earl of Huntingdon
In the later part of 1113, King Henry gave David the hand of Matilda of Huntingdon, daughter and heiress of Waltheof, Earl of Northumberland. The marriage brought with it the "Honour of Huntingdon", a lordship scattered through the shires of Northampton, Huntingdon, and Bedford. Within a few years, Matilda bore him two sons: Malcolm, who died young, and Henry, whom David named after his patron.[28]
The new territories which David controlled were a valuable supplement to his income and manpower, increasing his status as one of the most powerful magnates in the Kingdom of the English. Moreover, Matilda's father Waltheof had been Earl of Northumberland, a defunct lordship which had covered the far north of England and included Cumberland and Westmorland, Northumberland-proper, as well as overlordship of the bishopric of Durham. After King Henry's death, David revived the claim to this earldom for his son, Henry.[29]
David's activities and whereabouts after 1114 are not always easy to trace. He spent much of his time outside his principality, in England and Normandy. Despite the death of his sister on 1 May 1118, David still possessed the favour of King Henry when his brother Alexander died in 1124, leaving Scotland without a king.[30]
Political and military events in Scotland during David's kingship
In spite of the fact that King David spent his childhood in Scotland, Michael Lynch and Richard Oram portray David as having little initial connection with the culture and society of the Scots;[31] but both likewise argue that David became increasingly re-Gaelicised in the later stages of his reign.[32] Whatever the case, David's claim to be heir to the Scottish kingdom was doubtful. David was the youngest of eight sons of the fifth from last king. Two more recent kings had produced sons, William fitz Duncan, son of King Donnchad II, and Máel Coluim, son of the last king Alexander, but since Scots had never adopted the rules of primogeniture that was not a barrier to his kingship, and unlike David, neither William nor Máel Coluim had the support of Henry. So when Alexander died in 1124, the aristocracy of Scotland could either accept David as king or face war with both David and Henry I.[33]
Coronation and struggle for the kingdom
Alexander's son, Máel Coluim, chose war. Orderic Vitalis reported that Máel Coluim mac Alaxandair "affected to snatch the kingdom from [David], and fought against him two sufficiently fierce battles; but David, who was loftier in understanding and in power and wealth, conquered him and his followers".[34] Máel Coluim escaped unharmed into areas of Scotland not yet under David's control, and in those areas gained shelter and aid.[35]
In either April or May of the same year, David was crowned King of Scotland (
Ailred of Rievaulx, friend and one-time member of David's court, reported that David "so abhorred those acts of homage which are offered by the Scottish nation in the manner of their fathers upon the recent promotion of their kings, that he was with difficulty compelled by the bishops to receive them".[39]
Outside his Cumbrian principality and the southern fringe of Scotland-proper, David exercised little power in the 1120s, and in the words of Richard Oram, was "king of Scots in little more than name".[40] He was probably in that part of Scotland he did rule for most of the time between late 1127 and 1130.[41] However, he was at the court of Henry in 1126 and in early 1127,[42] and returned to Henry's court in 1130, serving as a judge at Woodstock for the treason trial of Geoffrey de Clinton.[41] It was in this year that David's wife, Matilda of Huntingdon, died. Possibly as a result of this,[43] and while David was still in southern England,[44] Scotland-proper rose up in arms against him. The instigator was, again, his nephew Máel Coluim, who now had the support of
According to Orderic Vitalis, Edward followed up the killing of Óengus by marching north into Moray itself, which, in Orderic's words, "lacked a defender and lord"; and so Edward, "with God's help obtained the entire duchy of that extensive district".[46] However, this was far from the end of it. Máel Coluim escaped, and four years of continuing civil war followed; for David, this period was quite simply a "struggle for survival".[47]
It appears that David asked for and obtained extensive military aid from King Henry. Ailred of Rievaulx related that at this point a large fleet and a large army of Norman knights, including Walter l'Espec, were sent by Henry to Carlisle in order to assist David's attempt to root out his Scottish enemies.
Pacification of the west and north
Richard Oram puts forward the suggestion that it was during this period that David granted Walter fitz Alan
How long it took to pacify Moray is not known, but in this period David appointed his nephew William fitz Duncan to succeed Óengus, perhaps in compensation for the exclusion from the succession to the Scottish throne caused by the coming of age of David's son Henry. William may have been given the daughter of Óengus in marriage, cementing his authority in the region. The burghs of Elgin and Forres may have been founded at this point, consolidating royal authority in Moray.[52] David also founded Urquhart Priory, possibly as a "victory monastery", and assigned to it a percentage of his cain (tribute) from Argyll.[53]
During this period too, a marriage was arranged between the son of
Dominating the north
While fighting
In 1150, it looked like Caithness and the whole earldom of Orkney were going to come under permanent Scottish control. However, David's plans for the north soon began to encounter problems. In 1151, King Eystein II of Norway put a spanner in the works by sailing through the waterways of Orkney with a large fleet and catching the young Harald unaware in his residence at Thurso. Eystein forced Harald to pay fealty as a condition of his release. Later in the year David hastily responded by supporting the claims to the Orkney earldom of Harald's rival Erlend Haraldsson, granting him half of Caithness in opposition to Harald. King Eystein responded in turn by making a similar grant to this same Erlend, cancelling the effect of David's grant. David's weakness in Orkney was that the Norwegian kings were not prepared to stand back and let him reduce their power.[57]
England
David's relationship with England and the English crown in these years is usually interpreted in two ways. Firstly, his actions are understood in relation to his connections with the King of England. No historian is likely to deny that David's early career was largely manufactured by King Henry I of England. David was the latter's brother-in-law and "greatest protégé",[58] one of Henry's "new men".[59] His hostility to Stephen can be interpreted as an effort to uphold the intended inheritance of Henry I, the succession of his daughter and David's niece Empress Matilda. David carried out his wars in her name, joined her when she arrived in England, and later knighted her son Henry.[60]
However, David's policy towards England can be interpreted in an additional way. David was the independence-loving king trying to build a "Scoto-Northumbrian" realm by seizing the most northerly parts of the English kingdom. In this perspective, David's support for Matilda is used as a pretext for land-grabbing. David's maternal descent from the
Usurpation of Stephen and First Treaty of Durham
Henry I had arranged his inheritance to pass to his daughter
Before December was over, David marched into northern England, and by the end of January he had occupied the castles of Carlisle, Wark, Alnwick, Norham and Newcastle. By February David was at Durham, but an army led by King Stephen met him there. Rather than fight a pitched battle, a treaty was agreed whereby David would retain Carlisle, while David's son Henry was re-granted the title and half the lands of the earldom of Huntingdon, territory which had been confiscated during David's revolt. On Stephen's side, he received back the other castles; and while David would do no homage, Stephen was to receive the homage of Henry for both Carlisle and the other English territories. Stephen also gave the rather worthless but for David face-saving promise that if he ever chose to resurrect the defunct earldom of Northumberland, Henry would be given first consideration. Importantly, the issue of Matilda was not mentioned. However, the first Durham treaty quickly broke down after David took insult at the treatment of his son Henry at Stephen's court.[64]
Renewal of war and Clitheroe
When the winter of 1136–37 was over, David prepared again to invade England. The King of the Scots massed an army on Northumberland's border, to which the English responded by gathering an army at Newcastle.[65] Once more pitched battle was avoided, and instead, a truce was agreed until December.[65] When December fell, David demanded that Stephen hand over the whole of the old earldom of Northumberland. Stephen's refusal led to David's third invasion, this time in January 1138.[66]
The army which invaded England in January and February 1138 shocked the English chroniclers. Richard of Hexham called it "an execrable army, savager than any race of heathen yielding honour to neither God nor man" and that it "harried the whole province and slaughtered everywhere folk of either sex, of every age and condition, destroying, pillaging and burning the vills, churches and houses".[67] Several doubtful stories of cannibalism were recorded by chroniclers, and these same chroniclers paint a picture of routine enslavings, as well as killings of churchmen, women and infants.[68]
By February King Stephen marched north to deal with David. The two armies avoided each other, and Stephen was soon on the road south. In the summer David split his army into two forces, sending William fitz Duncan to march into Lancashire, where he harried Furness and Craven. On 10 June, William fitz Duncan met a force of knights and men-at-arms. A pitched battle took place, the battle of Clitheroe, and the English army was routed.[69]
Battle of the Standard and Second Treaty of Durham
By later July 1138, the two Scottish armies had reunited in "St Cuthbert's land", that is, in the lands controlled by the
The Battle of the Standard, as the encounter came to be called, was a defeat for the Scots. Afterwards, David and his surviving notables retired to Carlisle. Although the result was a defeat, it was not by any means decisive. David retained the bulk of his army and thus the power to go on the offensive again. The siege of Wark, for instance, which had been going on since January, continued until it was captured in November. David continued to occupy Cumberland as well as much of Northumberland.[71]
On 26 September
Arrival of Matilda and the renewal of conflict
The settlement with Stephen was not set to last long. The arrival in England of the Empress Matilda gave David an opportunity to renew the conflict with Stephen. In either May or June, David travelled to the south of England and entered Matilda's company; he was present for her expected coronation at Westminster Abbey, though this never took place. David was there until September when the Empress found herself surrounded at Winchester.[72]
This civil war, or "the Anarchy" as it was later called, enabled David to strengthen his own position in northern England. While David consolidated his hold on his own and his son's newly acquired lands, he also sought to expand his influence. The castles at Newcastle and Bamburgh were again brought under his control, and he attained dominion over all of England north-west of the river Ribble and Pennines, while holding the north-east as far south as the river Tyne, on the borders of the core territory of the bishopric of Durham. While his son brought all the senior barons of Northumberland into his entourage, David rebuilt the fortress of Carlisle. Carlisle quickly replaced Roxburgh as his favoured residence. David's acquisition of the mines at Alston on the South Tyne enabled him to begin minting the Kingdom of Scotland's first silver coinage. David, meanwhile, issued charters to Shrewsbury Abbey in respect to their lands in Lancashire.[73]
Bishopric of Durham and the Archbishopric of York
However, David's successes were in many ways balanced by his failures. David's greatest disappointment during this time was his inability to ensure control of the bishopric of Durham and the archbishopric of York. David had attempted to appoint his chancellor, William Comyn, to the bishopric of Durham, which had been vacant since the death of Bishop
David also attempted to interfere in the succession to the archbishopric of York.
Scottish Church
Historical treatment of David I and the Scottish church usually acknowledges David's role as the defender of the Scottish church's independence from claims of overlordship by the Archbishop of York and the Archbishop of Canterbury.[77]
Innovations in the church system
It was once held that Scotland's episcopal sees and entire parochial system owed its origins to the innovations of David I. Today, scholars have moderated this view.
The
As for the development of the parochial system, David's traditional role as its creator can not be sustained.[84] Scotland already had an ancient system of parish churches dating to the Early Middle Ages, and the kind of system introduced by David's Normanising tendencies can more accurately be seen as mild refashioning, rather than creation; he made the Scottish system as a whole more like that of France and England, but he did not create it.[85]
Ecclesiastical disputes
One of the first problems David had to deal with as king was an ecclesiastical dispute with the English church. The problem with the English church concerned the subordination of Scottish sees to the archbishops of York and/or Canterbury, an issue which since his election in 1124 had prevented
The problem was that this archepiscopal status had not been cleared with the papacy, opening the way for English archbishops to claim overlordship of the whole Scottish church. The man responsible was the new aggressively assertive Archbishop of York,
Thurstan travelled to Rome, as did the Archbishop of Canterbury, William de Corbeil, and both presumably opposed David's request. David however gained the support of King Henry, and the Archbishop of York agreed to a year's postponement of the issue and to consecrate Robert of Scone without making an issue of subordination.[90] York's claim over bishops north of the Forth was in practice abandoned for the rest of David's reign, although York maintained her more credible claims over Glasgow.[91]
In 1151, David again requested a pallium for the Archbishop of St Andrews. Cardinal John Paparo met David at his residence of Carlisle in September 1151. Tantalisingly for David, the Cardinal was on his way to Ireland with four pallia to create four new Irish archbishoprics. When the Cardinal returned to Carlisle, David made the request. In David's plan, the new archdiocese would include all the bishoprics in David's Scottish territory, as well as bishopric of Orkney and the bishopric of the Isles. Unfortunately for David, the Cardinal does not appear to have brought the issue up with the papacy. In the following year, the papacy dealt David another blow by creating the archbishopric of Trondheim, a new Norwegian archbishopric embracing the bishoprics of the Isles and Orkney.[92]
Succession and death
Perhaps the greatest blow to David's plans came on 12 July 1152 when Henry, Earl of Northumberland, David's heir, died. He had probably been suffering from some kind of illness for a long time. David had under a year to live, and he may have known that he was not going to be alive much longer. David quickly arranged for his grandson
Veneration
David I is recognised as a saint by the Roman Catholic Church, with a feast day of 24 May, though it appears that he was never formally canonized. There are churches in Scotland which have him as their patron.[95][2][3] His mother Saint Margaret of Scotland was canonised in 1249.[96]
Historiography
Medieval reputation
The earliest English assessments of David portray him as a pious king, a reformer and a civilising agent in a barbarian nation. For William of Newburgh, David was a "King not barbarous of a barbarous nation", who "wisely tempered the fierceness of his barbarous nation". William praises David for his piety, noting that, among other saintly activities, "he was frequent in washing the feet of the poor" (this can be read literally: his mother, who is now patron saint of Scotland, was widely known and lauded for the same practice).
Although avoiding stress on 12th-century Scottish "barbarity", the Lowland Scottish historians of the later Middle Ages tend to repeat the accounts of earlier chronicle tradition. Much that was written was either directly transcribed from the earlier medieval chronicles themselves or was modelled closely upon them, even in the significant works of
Moreover, Bower stated in his eulogy that David always had the ambition to join a
Modern treatment
In the modern period, there has been more of an emphasis on David's state-building and the effects of his changes on Scottish cultural development. Lowland Scots tended to trace the origins of their culture to the marriage of David's father Máel Coluim III to Saint Margaret, a myth which had its origins in the medieval period.[106] With the development of modern historical techniques in the mid-19th century, responsibility for these developments appeared to lie more with David than his father. David assumed a principal place in the alleged destruction of the Celtic Kingdom of Scotland. Andrew Lang, in 1900, wrote that "with Alexander [I], Celtic domination ends; with David, Norman and English dominance is established".[107]
The ages of Enlightenment and Romanticism had elevated the role of races and "ethnic packages" into mainstream history, and in this context David was portrayed as hostile to the native Scots, and his reforms were seen in the light of natural, perhaps even justified, civilised Teutonic aggression towards the backward Celts.[108]
In the 20th century, several studies were devoted to Normanisation in 12th-century Scotland, focusing upon and hence emphasising the changes brought about by the reign of David I. Græme Ritchie's The Normans in Scotland (1954), Archie Duncan's Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom (1974) and the many articles of G. W. S. Barrow all formed part of this historiographical trend.[109]
In the 1980s, Barrow sought a compromise between change and continuity, and argued that the reign of King David was in fact a "Balance of New and Old".[110] Such a conclusion was a natural incorporation of an underlying current in Scottish historiography which, since William F. Skene's monumental and revolutionary three-volume Celtic Scotland: A History of Ancient Alban (1876–80), had been forced to acknowledge that "Celtic Scotland" was alive and healthy for a long time after the reign of David I.[111] Michael Lynch followed and built upon Barrow's compromise solution, arguing that as David's reign progressed, his kingship became more Celtic.[112] Despite its subtitle, in 2004 in the only full-volume study of David I's reign yet produced, David I: The King Who Made Scotland, its author Richard Oram further builds upon Lynch's picture, stressing continuity while placing the changes of David's reign in their context.[113]
Davidian Revolution
However, while there may be debate about the importance or extent of the
Since
Government and feudalism
The widespread enfeoffment of foreign knights and the processes by which
Scotland in this period experienced innovations in governmental practices and the importation of foreign, mostly French, knights. It is to David's reign that the beginnings of feudalism are generally assigned. This is defined as "castle-building, the regular use of professional cavalry, the knight's fee" as well as "homage and fealty".[118] David established large-scale feudal lordships in the west of his Cumbrian principality for the leading members of the French military entourage who kept him in power. Additionally, many smaller-scale feudal lordships were created.[119]
Steps were taken during David's reign to make the government of that part of Scotland he administered more like the government of Anglo-Norman England. New
Economy
The revenue of his English earldom and the proceeds of the silver mines at Alston allowed David to produce Scotland's first coinage. These altered the nature of trade and transformed his political image.[122]
David was a great town builder. As Prince of the Cumbrians, David founded the first two
Perhaps nothing in David's reign compares in importance to burghs. While they could not, at first, have amounted to much more than the nucleus of an
Monastic patronage
David was one of medieval Scotland's greatest monastic patrons. In 1113, in perhaps David's first act as Prince of the Cumbrians, he founded
Not only were such monasteries an expression of David's undoubted piety, they also functioned to transform Scottish society. Monasteries became centres of foreign influence, and provided sources of literate men, able to serve the crown's growing administrative needs.[130] These new monasteries, the Cistercian ones in particular, introduced new agricultural practices.[131] Cistercian labour, for instance, transformed southern Scotland into one of northern Europe's most important sources of sheep wool.[132]
Genealogical table
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Fictional portrayals
- David the Prince (1980) by Nigel Tranter. The story of Queen Margaret's sons Alexander I and David I.
Notes
- "), so that the name is just Colum or Calum (meaning "Columba"); the name was borrowed into non-Gaelic languages before this change occurred.
- ^ a b Thurston & Attwater, Butler’s Lives of the Saints, pp. 383–4.
- ^ a b "Dawid". DEON.pl (in Polish). Retrieved 10 December 2021.
- ^ Oram, David: The King Who Made Scotland, p. 49.
- ^ Malcolm seems to have had two sons before he married Margaret, presumably by Ingibiorg Finnsdottir. Duncan II of Scotland was one, and there was another called Domnall who died in 1085, see Annals of Ulster, s.a. 1085.2, here; see also Oram, David, p. 23; and Duncan, The Kingship of the Scots, p. 55; the possibility that Máel Coluim had another son, also named Máel Coluim, is open, G. W. S. Barrow, "Malcolm III (d. 1093)".
- ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, p. 121.
- ^ See A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 114, n. 1.
- ^ E.g. John Fordun, Chronica gentis Scotorum, II. 209.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 40.
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, p. 89.
- ^ John Fordun, Chronica gentis Scotorum, II. 209–10.
- ^ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, MS. E, s.a. 1094; A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 118; see also A.O. Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, pp. 90–1.
- ^ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, MS. E, s.a. 1097; A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 119.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 49.
- ^ For David's upbringing and transformation of fortune at the Anglo-Norman court, see the partially hypothetical account in Oram, David, pp. 59–72.
- ^ William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum, W. Stubbs (ed.), Rolls Series, no. 90, vol. ii, p. 476; trans. A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, (1908), p. 157.
- ^ Oram, David: The King Who Made Scotland, pp. 59–60.
- ^ Judith Green, "David I and Henry I", p. 3. She cites the gap in knowledge about David's whereabouts as evidence; for a brief outline of David's itinerary, see Barrow, The Charters of David I, pp. 38–41
- ^ See Oram, David, pp. 60–2; Duncan, The Kingship of the Scots, pp. 60–4.
- ^ For all this, see Oram, David, pp. 59–63.
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, (1908), p. 193.
- ^ Thomas Owen Clancy, The Triumph Tree, p.184; full treatment of this is given in Clancy, "A Gaelic Polemic Quatrain from the Reign of Alexander I, ca. 1113" in: Scottish Gaelic Studies vol.20 (2000), pp. 88–96.
- ^ Clancy, "A Gaelic Polemic Quatrain", p. 88.
- ^ For all this, see Oram, David, pp. 62–64; for Princeps Cumbrensis, see Archibald Lawrie, Early Scottish Charters Prior to A.D. 1153, (Glasgow, 1905), no. 46.
- ^ Richard Oram, The Lordship of Galloway, (Edinburgh, 2000), pp. 54–61; see also following references.
- ^ See, for instance, Dauvit Broun, "The Welsh Identity of the Kingdom of Strathclyde", in The Innes Review, Vol. 55, no. 2 (Autumn, 2004), pp. 138–40, n. 117; see also Forte, Oram, & Pedersen, The Viking Empires, (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 96–7.
- ^ E.g., Oram, David, p. 113, also n. 7.
- ^ a b G. W. S. Barrow, "David I (c. 1085–1153)".
- ^ For all this, see Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, pp. 134, 217–8, 223; see also, for Durham and part of the earldom of Northumberland in the eyes of Earl Henry, Paul Dalton, "Scottish Influence on Durham, 1066–1214", in David Rollason, Margaret Harvey & Michael Prestwich (eds.), Anglo-Norman Durham, 1093–1193, pp. 349–351; see also G. W. S. Barrow, "The Kings of Scotland and Durham", in Rollason et al. (eds.), Anglo-Norman Durham, p. 318.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 69–72.
- ^ Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 79; Oram, David, pp. 75–76.
- ^ Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 83; Oram, David, esp. for instance, pp. 96, 126.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 70–72.
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 158.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 84–85.
- ^ Chibnall, Anglo-Norman Studies, p. 33
- ^ John Bannerman, "The Kings Poet", pp. 120–149.
- ^ John J. O'Meara (ed.), Gerald of Wales: The History and Topography of Ireland (London, 1951), p. 110.
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 232.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 87.
- ^ a b Oram, David, p. 83.
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 163–167.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 84.
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 167.
- ^ Annals of Ulster, s.a. U1130.4, here (trans)
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 167; Anderson uses the word "earldom", but Orderic used the word ducatum, duchy.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 88.
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 193–194; see also Oram, David, p. 86.
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Early Sources, vol. ii, p. 183.
- ^ Ross, "Identity of the Prisoner at Roxburgh". Accessed 1 December 2022.
- ^ For all this, see Oram, David, pp. 93–6.
- ^ For all this, see Oram, David, pp. 93–6; Oram also believes that the burghs of Auldearn and Inverness may also have been founded at this time, but it is more usual to ascribe these to the reign of David's grandson William the Lion; see, for instance, McNeill, Peter & MacQueen, Hector (eds), Atlas of Scottish History to 1707, (Edinburgh, 1996), pp. 196–8.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 91–3.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 119.
- ^ Richard Oram, "David I and the Conquest of Moray", p. 11.
- ^ John Dowden, The Bishops of Scotland, ed. J. Maitland Thomson, (Glasgow, 1912), p. 232; Kenneth Jackson, The Gaelic Notes in the Book of Deer: The Osborn Bergin Memorial Lecture 1970, (Cambridge, 1972), p. 80.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 199–200.
- ^ Oram, Lordship of Galloway, pp. 59, 63.
- ^ Kapelle, Norman Conquest, pp. 202–3.
- ^ Stringer, Reign of Stephen, 28–37; Stringer, "State-Building in Twelfth-Century Britain", pp. 40–62; Green, "Anglo-Scottish Relations", pp. 53–72; Kapelle, Norman Conquest of the North, pp. 141ff; Blanchard, "Lothian and Beyond", pp. 23–46.
- ^ Historians such as Stringer, Kapelle, Green and Blanchard (see previous note), emphasize David's role as an English magnate, while not denying his ambition; a middle line is perhaps Oram's supposed quest for a "Scoto-Northumbrian realm", David, pp. 121–44, 167–89.
- ^ M.T. Clancy, England and its Rulers, pp. 84–5; Robert Bartlett, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings, p. 10.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 121–3.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 122–5.
- ^ a b David Crouch, The Reign of King Stephen, 1135–1154, Ed. Longman, 2000, p. 70.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 126–7.
- ^ e.g. accounts of Richard of Hexham and Ailred of Rievaulx in A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 180, & n. 4.
- ^ e.g. Richard of Hexham, John of Worcester and John of Hexham at A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 181.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 132–3.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 136–7; A. O. Anderson, Early Sources, p. 190.
- ^ a b Oram, David, pp. 140–4.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 170–2.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 179.
- ^ For David's struggle for control over Durham see Oram, David, pp. 169–75.
- ^ For David's struggle for control over York, see pp. 186–9.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 189.
- ^ Duncan, A. A. M., Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, (Edinburgh, 1975) pp. 257-259
- ^ A. O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 233.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 158; Duncan, Making of the Kingdom, pp. 257–60; see also Gordon Donaldson, "Scottish Bishop's Sees", pp. 106–17.
- ^ Shead, "Origins of the Medieval Diocese of Glasgow", pp. 220–5.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 62.
- ^ To a certain extent, the boundaries of David's Cumbrian Principality are conjecture on the basis of the boundaries of the diocese of Glasgow; Oram, David, pp. 67–8.
- ^ Barrow, Kingship and Unity, pp. 67–8
- ^ Ian B. Cowan wrote that "the principle steps were taken during the reign of David I": Ian B. Cowan, "Development of the Parochial System", p. 44.
- ^ Thomas Owen Clancy, "Annat and the Origins of the Parish", pp. 91–115.
- ^ Dauvit Broun, "Recovering the Full Text of Version A of the Foundation Legend", pp. 108–14.
- ^ AU 1093.2, text & English translation; see also Alan Orr Anderson, Early Sources , p. 49
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, pp. 160–1.
- ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, p. 259; Oram, David, p. 49.
- ^ Duncan, Making of the Kingdom, p. 260; John Dowden, Bishops of Scotland, (Glasgow, ), ed. J. Maitland Thomson, (Glasgow, 1912) pp. 4–5.
- ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, pp. 60–1.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 155.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 200–2; G. W. S. Barrow, "David I (c. 1085–1153)", gives the date as 24 May.
- ^ Annals of Tigernach, s.a. 1153.4, here.
- ^ "Archdiocese of St. Andrew's and Edinburgh"
- ^ Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 93
- ^ A. O. Anderson, Early Sources, p. 231.
- ^ A. O. Anderson, Early Sources, pp. 232–3
- ^ Felix J. H. Skene & William Forbes Skene (ed.), John of Fordun's Chronicle of the Scottish Nation, (Edinburgh, 1872), 200ff.; Donaldson, The Sources of Scottish History, p. 34: "... at what point its information about Scotland should receive credence is far from clear". Though Wyntoun, Fordun and Bower may have had access to documents which are no longer extant, much of their information is either duplicated in other records or cannot be corroborated; for a survey of David's historical reputation, see Oram, David, pp. 203–25.
- ^ John MacQueen, Winnifred MacQueen and D. E. R. Watt (eds.), Scotichronicon by Walter Bower, vol. 3, (Aberdeen, 1995), 139ff.
- ^ Oram, David, pp. 213–7.
- ^ Macquarrie 1997, p. 81.
- ^ Cowan, Mackay & Macquarrie 1983, p. 18.
- ^ "The Stone Puzzle of Rosslyn Chapel". eyeofthepsychic.com. Retrieved 9 May 2018.
- ^ Ferduson, The Knights Templar and Scotland, pp. 46-7.
- ^ See, for instance, Steve Boardman, "Late Medieval Scotland and the Matter of Britain", in Edward J. Cowan and Richard J. Finlay (eds.), Scottish History: The Power of the Past, (Edinburgh, 2002), pp. 65–71.
- ^ Quoted in Oram, David, p. 219, citing Lang, A History of Scotland, vol. 1, pp. 102–9; Lang did not neglect the old myth about Margaret, writing of the Northumbrian refugees arriving in Scotland "where they became the sires of the sturdy Lowland race", Lang, A History of Scotland, vol. 1, p. 91.
- ^ See Matthew H. Hammond, "Ethnicity and the Writing of Medieval Scottish history", pp. 1–27.; see also, Murray G.H. Pittock's work, Celtic Identity and the British Image, (Manchester, 1999), and Oram, David, pp. 219–20.
- ^ Græme Ritchie, The Normans in Scotland, (Edinburgh, 1954); Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, pp. 133–73; most of Barrow's most important essays have been collected in two volumes, Scotland and Its Neighbours In the Middle Ages, (London, 1992) and The Kingdom of the Scots: Government, Church and Society from the eleventh century to the fourteenth century, 2nd edn. (Edinburgh, 2003).
- ^ Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", passim.
- ^ William Forbes Skene, Celtic Scotland: A History of Ancient Alban, 3 vols. (Edinburgh, 1876–80); see also, Edward J. Cowan, "The Invention of Celtic Scotland", pp. 1–23.
- ^ Lynch, Scotland: A New History, pp. 82–83.
- ^ Oram, David I, (Stroud, 2004).
- ^ Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", pp. 9–11; Lynch, Scotland: A New History, p. 80.
- ^ Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", p. 13.
- ^ Bartlett, The Making of Europe, pp. 24–59; Moore, The First European Revolution, c.970–1215, p. 30ff; see also Barrow, "The Balance of New and Old", passim, esp. 9; this idea of "Europe" seems in practice to mean "Western Europe".
- ^ Haidu, The Subject Medieval/Modern, p. 181; Moore, The First European Revolution, p. 57.
- ^ Barrow, "Balance of New and Old", pp. 9–11.
- ^ "The Beginnings of Military Feudalism"; Oram, "David I and the Conquest of Moray", p. & n. 43; see also, L. Toorians, "Twelfth-century Flemish Settlement in Scotland", pp. 1–14.
- ^ McNeill & MacQueen, Atlas of Scottish History p. 193
- ^ See Barrow, G.W.S., "The Judex", pp. 57–67 and "The Justiciar", pp. 68–111.
- ^ Oram, David I: The King Who Made Scotland, pp. 193, 195; Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 287: "The minting of coins and the issue of written dispositions changed the political culture of the societies in which the new practices appeared".
- ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of the Kingdom, p. 465.
- ^ See G.W.S. Barrow, Kingship and Unity, pp. 84–104; see also, Stringer, "The Emergence of a Nation-State", pp. 66–9.
- ^ Stringer, "The Emergence of a Nation-State", p. 67. Numbering is uncertain; Perth may date to the reign of Alexander I; Inverness is a case where the foundation may date later, but may date to the period of David I: see for instance the blanket statement that Inverness dates to David I's reign in Derek Hall, Burgess, Merchant and Priest, compare Richard Oram, David, p. 93, where it is acknowledged that this is merely a possibility, to A.A.M. Duncan, The Making of the Kingdom, p. 480, who quotes a charter indicating that the burgh dates to the reign of William the Lion.
- ^ A.O. Anderson, Scottish Annals, p. 256.
- ^ Stringer, "The Emergence of a Nation-State", 1100–1300", p. 67; Michael Lynch, Scotland: A New History, pp. 64–6; Thomas Owen Clancy, "History of Gaelic", here Archived 11 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Oram, David, p. 62; Duncan, Making of a Kingdom, p. 145.
- ^ Duncan, Scotland: The Making of a Kingdom, pp. 145–150; Duncan, "The Foundation of St Andrews Cathedral Priory", pp. 25, 27–8; Fawcett & Oram, Melrose Abbey, pp. 15–20.
- ^ Peter Yeoman, Medieval Scotland, p. 15.
- ^ Fawcett & Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 17.
- ^ See, for instance, Stringer, The Reformed Church in Medieval Galloway and Cumbria, pp. 9–11; Fawcett & Oram, Melrose Abbey, p. 17; Duncan, The Making of a Kingdom, p. 148.
- ^ Oram, David, p. 10
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External links
- POMS entry for David I
- David I at the official website of the British monarchy
- David I at BBC History
- Thomas Owen Clancy, "History of Gaelic"
- Richard of Hexham's account of the 1138 Scottish invasion of England