Free Derry
Free Derry (
The area, which included the mainly Catholic Bogside and Creggan neighbourhoods, was first secured by community activists on 5 January 1969 following an incursion into the Bogside by RUC officers. Residents built barricades and carried clubs and similar arms to prevent the RUC from entering. Its name was taken from a sign painted on a gable wall in the Bogside that read, "You are now entering Free Derry." For six days, the region was a no-go area, after which the residents dismantled the barricades and RUC patrols resumed. Tensions remained high over the following months.
On 12 August 1969, sporadic violence led to the
The Irish Republican Army (IRA) began to rearm and recruit after August 1969. In December 1969, it split into the Official IRA and the Provisional IRA. Both were supported by the people of Free Derry. Meanwhile, the initially positive relations between the British Army and the nationalist community worsened. In July 1971, there was a surge of recruitment into the IRA after two young men were shot dead by British troops in Derry. The government introduced internment on 9 August 1971 in Operation Demetrius. In response, barricades were again erected around Free Derry. This time, Free Derry was defended by well-armed members of the IRA. From within the area they launched attacks on the British Army, and the Provisionals began a bombing campaign in the city centre. As before, unarmed "auxiliaries" manned the barricades, and crime was handled by a voluntary body known as the Free Derry Police.
Support for the IRA rose further after Bloody Sunday in January 1972, when 13 unarmed men and boys were shot dead by the British Parachute Regiment during a protest march in the Bogside (a 14th man was wounded and died 4+1⁄2 months later). Following the Bloody Friday bombings, the British retook the "no-go" areas. Free Derry came to an end on 31 July 1972 in Operation Motorman, when thousands of British troops moved in with armoured vehicles and bulldozers.
Background
The
The first barricades
Another group formed as a result of the events of 5 October was People's Democracy, a group of students in Queen's University Belfast. They organised a march from Belfast to Derry in support of civil rights, starting out with about forty young people on 1 January 1969.[11] The march met with violent opposition from loyalist counter-demonstrators at several points along the route. Finally, at Burntollet Bridge, five miles outside Derry, they were attacked by a mob of about two hundred wielding clubs—some of them studded with nails—and stones. Half of the attackers were later identified from press photographs as members of the B-Specials. The police, who were at the scene, chatted to the B-Specials as they prepared their ambush, and then failed to protect the marchers, many of whom ran into the river and were attacked with stones thrown from the bank.[12] Dozens of marchers were taken to hospital. The remainder continued on to Derry where they were attacked once more on their way to Craigavon Bridge before they finally reached Guildhall Square, where they held a rally.[11] Rioting broke out after the rally. Police drove rioters into the Bogside, but did not come after them. In the early hours of the following morning, 5 January, members of the RUC charged into St. Columb's Wells and Lecky Road in the Bogside, breaking windows and beating residents.[13] In his report on the disturbances, Lord Cameron remarked that "for such conduct among members of a disciplined and well-led force there can be no acceptable justification or excuse" and added that "its effect in rousing passions and inspiring hostility towards the police was regrettably great."[14]
That afternoon over 1,500 Bogside residents built
April 1969
Over the next three months there were violent clashes, with local youths throwing stones at police.[20] Violence came to a head on Saturday, 19 April after a planned march from Burntollet Bridge to the city centre was banned. A protest in the city centre led to clashes with "Paisleyites"—unionists in sympathy with the anti-civil rights stance of Ian Paisley. Police attempting to drive the protesters back into the Bogside were themselves driven back to their barracks. A series of pitched battles followed, and barricades were built, often under the supervision of Bernadette Devlin, newly elected MP for Mid Ulster.[23] Police pursuing rioters broke into a house in William Street and severely beat the occupant, Samuel Devenny, his family and two friends. Devenny was brought to hospital "bleeding profusely from a number of head wounds."[24] At midnight four hundred RUC men in full riot gear and carrying riot shields occupied the Bogside.[25] Convoys of police vehicles drove through the area with headlights blazing.[26]
The following day, several thousand residents, led by the DCAC, withdrew to the Creggan and issued an ultimatum to the RUC – withdraw within two hours or be driven out. With fifteen minutes of the two hours remaining, the police marched out through the Butcher's Gate, even as the residents were entering from the far side.[25] The barricades were not maintained on this occasion, and routine patrols were not prevented.[27]
Samuel Devenny suffered a heart attack four days after his beating. On 17 July he suffered a further heart attack and died.[28] Thousands attended his funeral, and the mood was sufficiently angry that it was clear the annual Apprentice Boys' parade, scheduled for 12 August, could not take place without causing serious disturbance.[29]
August – October 1969
The Apprentice Boys' parade is an annual celebration by unionists of the relief of the
A deputation that included Eamonn McCann met senior army officers and told them that the army would not be allowed in until certain demands were met, including the disarming of the RUC, the disbandment of the B-Specials and the abolition of Stormont (the
Following Callaghan's visit, some barricades were breached, but the majority remained while the people awaited concrete evidence of reform.[40] Still the army made no move to enter the area. Law and order was maintained by a 'peace corps'—volunteers organised by the DCDA to patrol the streets and man the barricades. There was very little crime. Punishment, in the words of Eamonn McCann, "as often as not consisted of a stern lecture from Seán Keenan on the need for solidarity within the area."[41] In September the barricades were replaced with a white line painted on the road.[42]
The Hunt Report on the future of policing in Northern Ireland was presented to the Stormont cabinet in early October. Jim Callaghan held talks with the cabinet in Belfast on 10 October, following which the report's recommendations were accepted and made public. They included the recommendation that the RUC should be 'ordinarily' unarmed, and that the B-Specials should be phased out and replaced by a new force. The new RUC Chief Constable, Arthur Young, an Englishman, was announced, and travelled to Belfast with Callaghan. The same day, Seán Keenan announced that the DCDA was to be dissolved. On 11 October Callaghan and Young visited Free Derry, and on 12 October the first military police entered the Bogside, on foot and unarmed.[43]
IRA resurgence
The
The events of August 1969 in Derry, and more particularly in Belfast where the IRA was unable to prevent loss of life or protect families burned out of their homes, brought to a head the divisions that had already appeared within the movement between the radicals and the traditionalists, and led to a split in December 1969 into the
Relations between the British Army and the residents had steadily decayed since the first appearance of troops in August 1969. In September, after clashes between nationalist and unionist crowds that led to the death of a Protestant man, William King, the British Army erected a 'peace ring' to enclose the nationalist population in the area they had previously controlled. Roads into the city centre were closed at night and people were prevented from walking on certain streets.[56] Although some moderate nationalists accepted this as necessary, there was anger among young people. Clashes between youths and troops became more frequent. The riot following the Officials' Easter parade in March 1970 marked the first time that the army used 'snatch squads', who rushed into the Bogside wielding batons to make arrests.[57] The snatch squads soon became a common feature of army arrest operations. There was also a belief that they were arresting people at random, sometimes days after the alleged offence, and based on the identification of people that they had seen from a considerable distance.[58] The rioters were condemned as hooligans by moderates, who saw the riots as hampering attempts to resolve the situation. The Labour radicals and Official republicans, still working together, tried to turn the youth away from rioting and create socialist organisations—one such organisation was named the Young Hooligans Association—but to no avail.[59] The Provisionals, while disapproving of riots, viewed them as the inevitable consequence of British occupation.[60] This philosophy was more attractive to rioters, and some of them joined the Provisional IRA. The deaths of two leading Provisionals in a premature explosion in June 1970 resulted in young militants becoming more prominent in the organisation. Nevertheless, up to July 1971 the Provisional IRA remained numerically small.[61]
Two men, Séamas Cusack and Desmond Beattie, were shot dead in separate incidents in the early morning and afternoon of 8 July 1971. They were the first people to be killed by the British Army in Derry. In both cases the British Army claimed that the men were attacking them with guns or bombs, while eyewitnesses insisted that both were unarmed. The Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP), the newly formed party of which John Hume and Ivan Cooper were leading members, withdrew from Stormont in protest, but among residents there was a perception that moderate policies had failed. The result was a surge of support for the IRA. The Provisionals held a meeting the following Sunday at which they called on people to "join the IRA". Following the meeting, people queued up to join,[62] and there was large-scale rioting. The British Army post at Bligh's Lane came under sustained attack, and troops there and around the city came under fire from the IRA.[63]
Internment and the third Free Derry
The increasing violence in Derry and elsewhere led to increasing speculation that internment would be introduced in Northern Ireland, and on 9 August 1971 hundreds of republicans and nationalists were arrested in dawn raids. In Derry, residents came out onto the streets to resist the arrests, and fewer people were taken there than elsewhere; nevertheless leading figures including Seán Keenan and Johnnie White were interned.[64] In response, barricades were erected once again and the third Free Derry came into existence. Unlike its predecessors, this Free Derry was marked by a strong IRA presence, both Official and Provisional. It was defended by armed paramilitaries—a no-go area, one in which British security forces were unable to operate.[65]
Gun attacks on the British Army increased. Six soldiers were wounded in the first day after internment, and shortly afterwards a soldier was killed—the first to be killed by either IRA in Derry.[65] The army moved into the area in force on 18 August to dismantle the barricades. A gun battle ensued in which a young Provisional IRA officer, Eamonn Lafferty, was killed. A crowd staging a sit-down protest was hosed down and the protesters, including John Hume and Ivan Cooper, arrested. With barricades re-appearing as quickly as they were removed, the army eventually abandoned their attempt.[66]
The Derry Provisionals had little contact with the IRA elsewhere. They had few weapons (about twenty) which they used mainly for sniping.[67] At the same time, they launched their bombing campaign in Derry. Unlike in Belfast, they were careful to avoid killing or injuring civilians. Eamonn McCann wrote that "the Derry Provos, under Martin McGuinness, had managed to bomb the city centre until it looked as if it had been hit from the air without causing any civilian casualties."[68]
Although both IRAs operated openly, neither was in control of Free Derry. The barricades were manned by unarmed 'auxiliaries'.[69] Crime was dealt with by a volunteer force called the Free Derry Police, which was headed by Tony O'Doherty, a Derry footballer and Northern Ireland International.[70]
Bloody Sunday
An anti-internment protest organised by NICRA at Magilligan Camp in January 1972 was met with violence from the
February – July 1972
Both the Provisional and Official IRA stepped up attacks after Bloody Sunday, with the tacit support of the residents.
Political pressure for the action against the "no-go" areas increased after the events of Bloody Friday in Belfast. A British Army attack was considered inevitable, and the IRA took the decision not to resist it.[80] On 31 July 1972, Operation Motorman was launched when thousands of British troops, equipped with armoured cars and armoured bulldozers (AVREs), dismantled the barricades and occupied the area.[81]
Subsequent history
After Operation Motorman, the British Army controlled the Bogside and Creggan by stationing large numbers of troops within the area, by conducting large-scale 'search' operations that were in fact undertaken for purposes of intelligence gathering, and by setting up more than a dozen covert observation posts.[82] Over the following years IRA violence in the city was contained to the point where it was possible to believe 'the war was over' in the area, although there were still frequent street riots.[82] Nationalists—even those who did not support the IRA—remained bitterly opposed to the army and to the state.[83]
Many of the residents' original grievances were addressed with the passing of the Local Government Act (Northern Ireland) 1972, which redrew the electoral boundaries and introduced universal adult suffrage based on the single transferable vote. Elections were held in May 1973.[84] Nationalists gained a majority on the council for the first time since 1923.[85] Since then the area has been extensively redeveloped, with modern housing replacing the old houses and flats. The Free Derry era is commemorated by the Free Derry wall, the murals of the Bogside Artists and the Museum of Free Derry.[86]
See also
- History of Northern Ireland
- History of Derry
- Northern Ireland Civil Rights Movement
- Paris Commune
- Limerick Soviet
References
- JSTOR 20553451.
- ^ History of the Bogside Archived 25 March 2010 at the Wayback Machine, Museum of Free Derry. Retrieved 11 April 2009.
- ^ Londonderry: One man, no vote Archived 23 February 2011 at the Wayback Machine, The Campaign for Social Justice in Northern Ireland, (19 February 1965). Retrieved 11 November 2008.
- ^ Introduction Archived 30 June 2007 at the Wayback Machine, Museum of Free Derry. Retrieved 11 November 2008.
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 27
- ^ a b c The Derry March – Chronology of Events Surrounding the March Archived 5 October 2009 at the Wayback Machine, Conflict Archive on the Internet. Retrieved 11 November 2008.
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 37
- ^ Lord Cameron, Disturbances in Northern Ireland, chapter 4, paragraph 49
- ^ Lord Cameron, Disturbances in Northern Ireland, chapter 4, paragraph 51
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 45
- ^ )
- ^ The Sunday Times Insight Team, Ulster, Penguin, 1972, pp. 66–67
- ^ a b 1,500 arm to defend their area, The Irish Times, 6 January 1969
- ^ Lord Cameron, Disturbances in Northern Ireland, chapter 14, paragraph 177
- ^ See photograph at "Free Derry". Museum of Free Derry. Archived from the original on 15 September 2017. Retrieved 15 September 2017.
- ^ Kerr, Adrian (16 November 2009). "A silent and powerful witness to troubled times". Derry Journal. Archived from the original on 15 September 2017. Retrieved 15 September 2017.
- Pride Week: "'Free Derry' is pink with pride", BBC News Archived 22 February 2011 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Irish Times, 8 January 1969
- ^ a b Advice given for Derry 'Revolution', The Irish Times, 11 January 1969, page 14
- ^ a b McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 56
- ^ Calmer weekend in Derry, The Irish Times, 10 January 1969
- ^ Derry barricades to come down, The Irish Times, 11 January 1969
- ^ Devlin, Bernadette, The Price of my Soul, pp. 184 – 186
- ^ Ombudsman's Report, section 3: The incident at the Devenny home (Pat Finucane Centre Archived 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine)
- ^ a b RUC obey Bogside ultimatum, The Irish Times, 21 April 1969
- ^ Devlin, Bernadette, The Price of My Soul, p. 187
- ^ No major clashes in Derry, The Irish Times, 22 April 1969
- ^ Ombudsman's Report, section 5: Mr. Devenny's death
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites p. 47
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 21
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, pp. 58 – 59
- ^ a b History – Battle of the Bogside Archived 31 July 2015 at the Wayback Machine, The Museum of Free Derry. Retrieved 11 November 2008.
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 60
- ^ Bogside like war-devastated area, The Irish Times, 13 August 1969
- ^ Adams, Gerry, The Politics of Irish Freedom, Brandon Books, Dingle, 1986, p. 33
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 64
- ^ Callaghan to enter Bogside without bodyguard, The Irish Times, 28 August 1969, page 4
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 69
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 68
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 120
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 67
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 121
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 72
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 103
- ^ Bishop, Patrick, and Mallie, Eamonn, The Provisional IRA, pp. 51–54
- ^ Feeney, Brian, Sinn Féin: A Hundred Turbulent Years, p. 232
- ^ Feeney, Brian, Sinn Féin: A Hundred Turbulent Years, p. 236
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 58
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 40,42
- ^ Bell, J. Bowyer, The Secret Army, pp. 366–367
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 163
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 96
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 172
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 74
- ^ Bishop, Patrick, and Mallie, Eamonn, The Provisional IRA, pp. 144, 155
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, pp. 136–7
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 151
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, pp. 81–2
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 84
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 155
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 179
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, pp. 89–90
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 233
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, p. 92
- ^ a b Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites, p. 236
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites pp. 238–9
- ^ Bishop, Patrick, and Mallie, Eamonn, The Provisional IRA pp.196–7
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town p. 106
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites p. 243
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town p. 100
- ^ Bishop, Patrick, and Mallie, Eamonn, The Provisional IRA p. 207
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites pp. 279–280
- ^ Bishop, Patrick, and Mallie, Eamonn, The Provisional IRA pp. 107–8
- ^ 'Bloody Sunday', Derry 30 January 1972 – Circumstances in Which People were Killed Archived 6 August 2011 at the Wayback Machine, CAIN. Retrieved 11 November 2008.
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites p. 247
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites pp. 247–8
- ^ Bishop, Patrick, and Mallie, Eamonn, The Provisional IRA p. 199
- ^ Bishop, Patrick, and Mallie, Eamonn, The Provisional IRA p. 226
- ^ Bell, J. Bowyer, The Secret Army: The IRA, p. 391
- ^ McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town p. 114
- ^ Operation Banner: An Analysis of Military Operations in Northern Ireland Archived 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine, prepared under the direction of the Chief of the General Staff. Retrieved 9 April 2010.
- ^ a b Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites pp. 250–1
- ^ Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites p. 252
- ^ Callanan, Mark and Keogan, Justin F., Local Government in Ireland, Institute of Public Administration, Dublin, 2003, p. 462
- ^ "The Local Government Elections 1973–1981: Londonderry". ARK. Archived from the original on 23 September 2015. Retrieved 16 April 2015.
- ^ Davenport, Fionn et al., Ireland, Lonely Planet, Melbourne, 2006,p. 629
Bibliography
- Devlin, Bernadette, The Price of my Soul, 1st edition, Alfred A. Knopf, New York, 1969
- Lord Cameron, Disturbances in Northern Ireland, HMSO, Belfast, 1969 (CAIN Web Service)
- McCann, Eamonn, War and an Irish Town, 2nd edition, Pluto Press, London, 1980, ISBN 0-86104-302-2
- Ó Dochartaigh, Niall, From Civil Rights to Armalites: Derry and the Birth of the Irish Troubles, Palgrave MacMillan, Basingstoke, 2005, ISBN 1-4039-4431-8
- Office of the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland, Report of the Police Ombudsman for Northern Ireland into a complaint made by the Devenny family on 20 April 2001, Belfast, 2001 (The Pat Finucane Centre)
- Farrell, Sean, Rituals and Riots: Sectarian Violence and Political Culture in Ulster, 1784–1886,The University Press of Kentucky 2000, ISBN 978-0-8131-2171-0
External links
- Museum of Free Derry, Museum of Free Derry