History of the Anushilan Samiti
Anushilan Samiti |
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The history of the
Background
The void arising from the precipitous decline of the
Bengal itself was relatively quiet during the
In Calcutta, nationalist politics was developing at a rapid pace, allowing the city to develop as the most vocal centre of the young though still benign movement. Key leaders in the Congress-led movement in the province were Surendranath Bannejea and
Early developments
Among the first revolutionary organisations founded with an organised programme in Bengal was that led by
Anushilan Samiti
Foundation
Around 1902, Aurobindo Ghosh arranged for Bannerjee to return to Calcutta to begin organisational work, where he began a gymnasium and a youth society. It was at this time that Bannerjee came in touch with Vibhuti Bhushan Bhattacharya, Sarala Devi Ghoshal and Pramathanath Mitra.[9][15] In Calcutta, a few clubs and societies were still active at the time. Most notable was a gymnasium in Ballygunge Circular Road run by Sarala Devi herself, a second was an organisation named Anushilan Samiti founded by Satish Chandra Basu with the patronage of Pramathanath Mitra. A third one was a youth club called Attōnnōti Samiti (Self-improvement society) in central Calcutta.[7][16]
Basu himself was a student of the
The early Anushilan Samity drew its members largely from the young student fraternity in Calcutta. New recruits were required to swear an oath on the
The Anushilan Samiti, however, failed to make any significant impact in its early years, as was the case for similar Calcutta groups.
Dhaka Anushilan
In November 1905, Bipin Chandra Pal along with Pramathanath Mitra, visited
Jugantar
Barindra Ghosh returned to Bengal around 1906, where he began organising volunteers movements in support of the agitations and the
Political assassinations
First phase
The two branches of Anushilan engaged at this time in a number of notable incidences[
Western Anushilan Samiti in the aftermath of Manicktala Conspiracy found more prominent leader in Jatindra Nath Mukherjee which emerged distinctly as the Jugantar group. Meanwhile, Rash Behari Bose extended the groups reach into north India, where he found work in the
Nonetheless, the campaign by Anushilan continued. In 1911, Dhaka Anushilan shot dead two Bengali police officers, sub-inspector Raj Kumar and Inspector Man Mohan Ghosh, who had been investigating the unrest, were shot dead at
Prelude to World War
With the clouds of war gathering in Europe, Indian nationalists at home and outside India had decided to use the event of a war with Germany towards the nationalist cause. To these plans, a number of prominent Jugantar leaders became party. Through Kishen Singh, the Bengal revolutionary cell was introduced to
Meanwhile, in 1912, Jatin met in the company of
World War I
In 1914 Rash Behari Bose, along with the Maharashtrian Vishnu Ganesh Pinglay and some Sikh militants, planned simultaneous troop risings in different places in February 1915. In the meantime, in Bengal the activity of Anushilan and Jugantar launched what has been described by some historians as "...a reign of terror in both the cities and the countryside..." that "...came close to achieving their key goal of paralysing the administration...". A general atmosphere of fear encompassed the police and the law courts, severely affecting the morale.[35] In the entire 1915, only six revolutionaries were successfully brought to trial. However both the February plot and a subsequent plot for December 1915 were thwarted by British intelligence. Jatin Mukherjee along with a number of fellow-revolutionaries were killed in a firefight with Policeforces at Balasore, in present-day Orissa. This effectively brought Jugantar to an end during the war. The passage of the Defence of India Act 1915 led to widespread arrest, internment, deportation and execution of members of the revolutionary movement. By March 1916 widespread arrests helped Bengal Police crush the Dhaka Anushilan Samiti in Calcutta.[36] Regulation III and Defence of India act was applied to Bengal from August 1916 on a widescale. By June 1917, 705 were under home-arrest under the act, along with 99 imprisonments under Regulation III.[36] In Bengal Revolutionary violence in Bengal plummeted in 1917.[37] After the war these powers were extended by the so-called Rowlatt Acts, the passage of which was one of the goads that led to the launching of M. K. Gandhi's Non-Co-operation Movement.
Gandhian era
Post World War I
Between 1919 and 1922, the first of the noncooperation movement began with the
In 1923, another Anushilan-linked group, the
In 1927 the Indian National Congress came out in favour of complete independence from Britain. Bengal had quieted relatively within these four years and the government released most of those interned under the Act of 1925. There was an attempt, ultimately unsuccessful, to forge a Jugantar-Anushilan alliance at this time. Some of the younger radicals struck out in new directions, while many, young and old, took part in Congress activities, such as the anti-Simon agitation of 1928. Congress leader Lala Lajpat Rai succumbed to wounds received when police broke up a Lahore protest-march in October. Bhagat Singh and other members of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association avenged his death in December. Later Bhagat Singh boldly threw a bomb into the Legislative Assembly. He and other HSRA members were arrested, and three of them attracted wide attention by going on a hunger strike in jail. Bengali bomb-maker Jatindra Nath Das persisted until his death in September 1929. The Calcutta Corporation passed a resolution of sorrow and condolence after his martyrdom, as did the Indian National Congress when Bhagat Singh was executed.
1930s
As
Through the twenties and thirties, many Anushilan members began identifying with Communism and leftist ideologies. Former Jugantar leader Narendranath Bhattacharya, now known as
Revolutionary Socialist Party
A major section of the Anushilan movement had been attracted to Marxism during the 1930s, many of them studying Marxist–Leninist literature whilst serving long jail sentences. A minority section broke away from the Anushilan movement and joined the Communist Consolidation the Marxist group of Cellular Jail, and the members later joined the Communist Party of India. The majority of the Anushilan Marxists did however, whilst having adopted Marxist–Leninist thinking, feel hesitant over joining the Communist Party.[38]
The Anushilanites distrusted the political lines formulated by the
However, although sharing some critiques against the leadership of Joseph Stalin and the Comintern, the Anushilan Marxists did not embrace Trotskyism. Buddhadeva Bhattacharya writes in 'Origins of the RSP' that the "rejection of Stalinism did not automatically mean for them [the Anushlian Samiti] acceptance of Trotskyism. Incidentally, the leninist conception of international socialist revolution is different from Trotsky's theory of Permanent Revolution which deduces the necessity of world revolution primarily from the impossibility of the numerically inferior proletariat in a semi-feudal and semi-capitalist peasant country like Russia holding power for any length of time and successfully undertaking the task of socialist construction in hand without the proletariat of the advanced countries outside the Soviet Union coming to power through an extension of sociaist revolution in these countries and coming to the aid of the proletariat of the U.S.S.R."
- Anushilan Marxists adhered to the Marxist–Leninist theory of 'Permanent' or 'Continuous' Revolution. "...it is our interest and task to make the revolution permanent' declared Karl Marx as early as 1850 in course of his famous address to the Communist League, 'until all more or less possessing classes have been forced out of their position of dominance, the proletariat has conquered state power, and the association of proletarians, not only in one country but in all dominant countries of the world, has advanced so far that competition among the proletarians of these countries has ceased and that at least the decisive productive forces are concentrated in the hands of the proletarians."[41]
By the close of 1936 the Anushilan Marxists at the Deoli Detention Jail in Rajputana drafted a document formulating their political line. This document was then distributed amongst the Anushilan Marxists at other jails throughout the country. When they were collectively released in 1938 the Anushilan Marxists adopted this document, The Thesis and Platform of Action of the Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist): What Revolutionary Socialism Stands for, as their political programme in September that year.[42]
At this point the Anushilan Marxists, recently released from long jail sentences, stood at a cross-roads. Either they would continue as a separate political entity or they would join an existing political platform. They felt that they lacked the resources to build a separate political party. Joining the CPI was out of the question, due to sharp differences in political analysis. Neither could they reconcile their differences with the
During the summer of 1938 a meeting took place between
In the CSP
The great majority of the Anushilan Samiti had joined the CSP, not only the Marxist sector. The non-Marxists (who constituted about a half of the membership of the Samiti), although not ideologically attracted to the CSP, felt loyalty towards the Marxist sector. Moreover, around 25% of the HSRA joined the CSP. This group was led by Jogesh Chandra Chatterji.[citation needed]
In the end of 1938 Anushilan Marxists began publishing The Socialist from Calcutta. The editor of the journal was Satish Sarkar. Although the editorial board included several senior CSP leaders like Acharya Narendra Deva, it was essentially an organ of the Anushilan Marxist tendency. Only a handful issues were published.[44]
The Anushilan Marxists were soon to be disappointed by developments inside the CSP. The party, at that the time Anushilan Marxists had joined it, was not a homogenous entity. There was the Marxist trend led by J.P. Narayan and Narendra Deva, the
The Anushilan Marxists had clearly supported Bose both in the presidential election as well by opposing the Pant resolution. Jogesh Chandra Chatterji renounced his CSP membership in protest against the action by the party leadership.[citation needed]
Soon after the Tripuri session, Bose resigned as Congress president and formed the
One of the members Madhwi Kanchan Sinha and true follower of Ram Manohar Lohia was one of the very famous and selfless servant of the Samyukt Socialist Party [1952–1968] and went to great extends to serve people. Majorly known for his deeds and service to people in Barabanki district and Gonda district Uttar Pradesh, he made great efforts and died serving them. He could not serve the party for a longer period due to sickness and died on 13 August 1975.[citation needed]
RSPI(ML)
The Left Consolidation Committee soon fell into pieces, as the CPI, the CSP and the Royists deserted it. Bose assembled the Anti-Compromise Conference in
The first War Thesis of RSP in 1940 took the called for "turning imperialist war into civil war". But after the attack by Germany on the Soviet Union, the line of the party was clarified. RSP meant that the socialist Soviet Union had to be defended, but that the best way for Indian revolutionaries to do that was to overthrow the colonial rule in their own country. RSP was in sharp opposition to groups like Communist Party of India and the Royist RDP, who meant that antifascists had to support the Allied war effort.[citation needed]
Notes and references
Notes
- ^ Mitra 2006, p. 63
- ^ Desai 2005, p. 30
- ^ Desai 2005, p. 125
- ^ Desai 2005, p. 154
- ^ Heehs 1992, p. 2
- ^ Heehs 1994, p. 534 "[Around 1881] a number of self-styled 'secret societies' were set up in Calcutta that were consciously modelled on the Carbonari and Mazzini's Young Italy Society ... They were in fact simply undergraduate clubs, long on nebulous ideals but short on action."
- ^ a b Bandyopadhyaya 2004, p. 260 The physical culture movement became a craze ... to develop what Swami Vivekananda had described as strong muscles and nerves of steel ... this was a psychological attempt to break away from the colonial stereotype of effeminacy imposed on the Bengalees. Their symbolic recovery of masculinity ... remained parts of a larger moral and spiritual training to achieve mastery over body, develop a national pride and a sense of social service ... founding of a gymnasium by Sarala Ghosal in Ballygunge Circular Road in Calcutta, the Atmonnoti Samiti by some central Calcutta youths and the Anushilan Samiti by Satischandra Basu.
- ^ Heehs 1992, p. 3
- ^ a b c d Heehs 1992, p. 4
- ^ a b c Heehs 1994, p. 536, para 2 "Aurobindo and Jatindranath met in Baroda in 1899. Both became members of a 'secret society' of Bombay with which the Maharashtrian political leader Bal Gangadhar Tilak was associated. Tilak later [made] an effort to get Aurobindo's friend Madhavrao Jadhav admitted to a military school in Russia. This plan fell through, but Madhavrao was eventually ... enrolled (possibly with Russian help) in the Swiss military academy in Bern.'"
- ^ a b Radhan 2002, p. 636
- ^ Heehs 1994, p. 536, para 1 "Aurobindo Ghose, who with Jatindranath helped to organize the first revolutionary group in Bengal with a well-thought-out programme, read widely in the history of Europe while a scholar at St Paul's School, London, and Kings College, Cambridge. Shortly after his return to India in 1893 he wrote in a Bombay newspaper ... his thesis that when men wanted a radical change of government, revolutionary action counted for much more than the sort of endless discussion that the members of the Indian National Congress engaged in."
- ^ Heehs 1994, p. 537 "Tilak's interest in military weaponry and training was indicative of his and Aurobindo's revolutionary programme. Neither was interested in terrorism of the sort that is usually associated with secret societies, but rather in a disciplined military uprising ... Aurobindo's idea was to prepare for 'an armed insurrection' that would consist of 'guerrilla warfare accompanied by general resistance and revolt' including, if possible, 'a general revolt of the Indian army'. The first step ... would be a work of 'revolutionary propaganda and recruiting'. Young Bengalis would be given instruction 'in activities that might be helpful for ultimate military action, such as riding, physical training, athletics of various kinds, drill and organized movement.' Aurobindo thought that this programme 'might occupy a period of 30 years before fruition'."
- ^ Majumdar 2005, p. 25
- ^ Majumdar 2005, p. 26
- ^ a b c d e f Heehs 1992, p. 5
- ^ a b c d Radhan 2002, p. 637
- ^ Heehs 1994, p. 539 "Okakura had been corresponding with Nivedita for several months ... If the countries of Asia stood together they would be able to free themselves more swiftly from ... Europe. During his stay in Calcutta Okakura [spoke] about his notion of a pan-Asiatic union."
- ^ a b Heehs 1992, p. 6
- ^ Bandyopadhyaya 2004, pp. 255, 258
- ^ Sen 2010, p. 244 Government found it difficult to suppress revolutionary activities in Bengal owing to the strong organisation of the Anushilan Samiti and ... leaders like Jatindranath Mukherjee, Rashbehari Bose and Jadugopal Mukheijee.
- ^ a b c Roy 1997, pp. 5–6 The first such dacoity was committed by Naren ... Around this time, revolutionaries threw a bomb-at the carriage of Mr and Mrs Kennedy ... in Muzaffarpur, under the mistaken notion that the 'notorious' Magistrate Kingsford was in the carriage. This led to the arrest of Kshudiram Bose and the discovery of the underground conspiratorial centre at Manicktala in eastern Calcutta. ... Nandalal Banerjee, an officer in the Intelligence Branch of the Bengal Police was shot dead by Naren ... This was followed by the arrest of Aurobindo, Barin and others in connection with the Alipore Conspiracy case.
- ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 108
- ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 104
- OCLC 254043308.
A Bengali police officer, Nandalal Banerji was also travelling in the same compartment ... Nandalal suspected Prafulla and tried to arrest him. But Prafulla was quite alert; he put his revolver under his own chin and pulled the trigger ... This happened on the Mokama station platform on 2nd May, 1908.
- ^ a b Roy 1997, p. 6 Aurobihdo’s retirement from active politics after his acquittal and the long imprisonment of Barin Ghosh ... Two centres were established, one was the Sramajibi Samabaya ... and the other in the name of S.D. Harry and Sons.
- ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 111
- ^ Roy 2006, p. 105
- ^ Roy 1997, pp. 6–7 Shamsul Alam, an Intelligence officer who was then preparing to arrest all the revolutionaries ... was murdered by Biren Datta Gupta, one of Jatin Mukherjee's associates. This led to the arrests in the Howrah Conspiracy case.
- ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 114
- ^ Roy 1997, pp. 7–8 The group foresaw the possibility of a world war and planned to launch a guerrilla war at that time, expecting assistance from Germany. Lala Har Dayal, on his return to India in 1908, also became interested in the programme of the Bengal revolutionaries through Kissen Singh.
- ^ Desai 2005, p. 320
- ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 167
- ^ Terrorism in Bengal, Compiled and Edited by A.K. Samanta, Government of West Bengal, 1995, Vol. II, p625.
- ^ Popplewell 1995, p. 201
- ^ a b Popplewell 1995, p. 210
- ^ Bates 2007, p. 118: "Following the outbreak of war, terrorist activity in India increased ... 19 political murders between 1914 and 1915 and 32 in the year 1915 to 1916 ... After the passing of the 1915 Defence of India Act, violent political activity effectively came to an end."
- ^ Saha 2001, pp. 20–21
- ^ Saha 2001, pp. 21–25
- ^ Saha 2001, p. 28
- ^ Saha 2001, p. 34
- ^ Saha 2001, p. 29
- ^ Saha 2001, pp. 35–37
- ^ Saha 2001, pp. 37, 52
- ^ Saha 2001, pp. 38–42
- ^ Saha 2001, pp. 43–45
- ^ Saha 2001, pp. 44–46
- ^ Saha 2001, pp. 46–47
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