Richard von Weizsäcker

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Richard Freiherr von Weizsäcker
Weizsäcker in 1984
President of Germany
In office
1 July 1984 – 30 June 1994[a]
ChancellorHelmut Kohl
Preceded byKarl Carstens
Succeeded byRoman Herzog
Governing Mayor of West Berlin
In office
11 June 1981 – 9 February 1984
MayorHeinrich Lummer
Preceded byHans-Jochen Vogel
Succeeded byEberhard Diepgen
Leader of the Christian Democratic Union
in West Berlin
In office
21 March 1981 – December 1983
Preceded byPeter Lorenz
Succeeded byEberhard Diepgen
Vice President of the Bundestag
(on proposal of the CDU/CSU-group)
In office
21 June 1979 – 21 March 1981
PresidentRichard Stücklen
Preceded byRichard Stücklen
Succeeded byHeinrich Windelen
Parliamentary constituencies
Member of the
Abgeordnetenhaus of Berlin
for Neukölln
In office
11 June 1981 – 15 June 1984
Preceded byHans Ludwig Schoenthal
Succeeded byNorbert Tietz
ConstituencyNeukölln 2
In office
26 April 1979 – 17 December 1979
Preceded bymulti-member district
Succeeded byRainer Giesel
ConstituencyNeukölln
Member of the Bundestag
for West Berlin
(Rhineland-Palatinate; 1969–1980)
In office
20 October 1969 – 15 June 1981
Preceded bymulti-member district
Succeeded byWerner Dolata
ConstituencyChristian Democratic Union List
Personal details
Born
Richard Karl Freiherr von Weizsäcker

(1920-04-15)15 April 1920
Christian Democratic Union (1954–2015)
SpouseMarianne von Kretschmann
Children4
Parent(s)Ernst von Weizsäcker
Marianne von Graevenitz
Alma materBalliol College, Oxford
University of Göttingen (Dr. jur.)
Signature

Richard Karl

CDU), who served as President of Germany from 1984 to 1994. Born into the aristocratic Weizsäcker family, who were part of the German nobility, he took his first public offices in the Protestant Church in Germany
.

A member of the CDU since 1954, Weizsäcker was elected as a member of parliament at the

Federal Republic of Germany, which made Weizsäcker President of a reunified Germany
.

Weizsäcker is considered the most popular of Germany's presidents,

Second World War in Europe on 8 May 1985. Upon his death, his life and political work were widely praised, with The New York Times calling him "a guardian of his nation's moral conscience".[4]

Early life

Childhood, school and family

Richard von Weizsäcker (left) with his father at the latter's post-war trial

Richard von Weizsäcker was born on 15 April 1920 in the

German Revolution of 1918–1919
. However, during the following years, he still occupied an apartment in the former royal palace where his grandson was born in an attic room.

Because his father was a career diplomat, Weizsäcker spent much of his childhood in

Reichsarbeitsdienst.[13]

Second World War

After the outbreak of the

Axel von dem Bussche in an attempt to kill Hitler at a uniform inspection in December 1943, providing Bussche with travel papers to Berlin. The attempt had to be called off when the uniforms were destroyed by an air raid. Upon meeting Bussche in June 1944, Weizsäcker was also informed of the imminent plans for 20 July and assured him of his support, but the plan ultimately failed.[17] Weizsäcker later described the last nine months of the war as "agony".[18] He was wounded in East Prussia in 1945 and was transported home to Stuttgart, to see out the end of the war on a family farm at Lake Constance.[19]

Education, marriage and early work life

Weizsäcker, his wife Marianne and daughter Beatrice in Moscow, 1987

At the end of the war Weizsäcker continued his study of history in

Academy of Fine Arts Munich,[27] Beatrice von Weizsäcker, a lawyer and journalist,[28] and Fritz Eckhart von Weizsäcker [de], chief physician at the Schlosspark-Klinik in Berlin.[29][30] In the late 1970s, his son Andreas was a student at the Odenwaldschule. When reports about sexual abuse there surfaced in 2010, it was speculated in the media that Andreas might have been one of the victims, but this was denied by the family.[31] Andreas died of cancer in June 2008, aged 51.[27] Weizsäcker's son Fritz was murdered by a man armed with a knife on 19 November 2019, while holding a lecture at the Schlosspark-Klinik in Berlin, where he worked.[32][33]

Weizsäcker worked for Mannesmann between 1950 and 1958, as a scientific assistant until 1953, as a legal counsel from 1953, and as head of the department for economic policy from 1957.[34] From 1958 to 1962, he was head of the Waldthausen Bank, a bank owned by relatives of his wife. From 1962 to 1966, he served on the board of directors of Boehringer Ingelheim, a pharmaceutical company.[35] It was involved in production of the Agent Orange. This fact is speculated to be the motive behind the murder of his son in 2019, though the suspect has been sent to a secure hospital unit due to a "delusional general aversion" against the victim's family.[36][37]

German Evangelical Church Assembly

Between 1964 and 1970, Weizsäcker served as president of the

German Evangelical Church Assembly. He was also a member of the Synod and the Council of the Protestant Church in Germany from 1967 to 1984.[38] During his early tenure as president, he wrote a newspaper article supporting a memorandum written by German evangelical intellectuals including Werner Heisenberg and his brother Carl Friedrich von Weizsäcker who had spoken out in favour of accepting the Oder–Neisse line as the western border of Poland as an indispensable precondition for lasting peace in Europe. While this was met by negative reactions from politicians, especially in Weizsäcker's own party, he nevertheless led the Evangelical Church on a way to promoting reconciliation with Poland, leading to a memorandum by the Church in both West and East Germany. The paper was widely discussed and met with a significantly more positive response.[39]

Political career

CDU
party convention in 1972

Weizsäcker joined the

German Evangelical Church Assembly, wanting to avoid a conflict of interest.[40] However, he became a member of the Bundestag (Federal Diet) in the 1969 federal elections, serving until 1981.[41]

In 1974, Weizsäcker was the Presidential candidate of his party for the first time, but he lost to Walter Scheel of the FDP, who was supported by the ruling center-left coalition.[42] Ahead of the 1976 elections, CDU chairman Helmut Kohl included him in his shadow cabinet for the party's campaign to unseat incumbent Helmut Schmidt as chancellor. Between 1979 and 1981, Weizsäcker served as Vice President of the Bundestag.[5]

Governing Mayor of West Berlin (1981–84)

Richard von Weizsäcker, left, as Mayor of West Berlin, with US President Ronald Reagan, center, and West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, right, at Checkpoint Charlie in 1982

Weizsäcker served as the Governing Mayor (Regierender Bürgermeister) of

East German Communist Party chief, in East Berlin.[43]

From 1981 to 1983, Weizsäcker headed a

Social Democrats at the federal level at the time. After Helmut Kohl had won the federal election in 1983 and had formed a government with the Free Democrats, Weizsäcker did the same in West Berlin.[44]

President of the Federal Republic of Germany (1984–94)

In 1984, Weizsäcker was

Green party candidate, Luise Rinser.[45]

First term (1984–89)

Richard von Weizsäcker took office as president on 1 July 1984. In his inaugural address, he appealed to his nation's special consciousness, saying: "Our situation, which differs from that of most other nations, is no reason to deny ourselves a national consciousness. To do so would be unhealthy for ourselves and eerie to our neighbors."

Foreign Office employees as his personal advisors.[47]

Speech on the 40th anniversary of the end of World War II

Weizsäcker, who was known as a great speaker,

expellees which was to take place under the slogan "Silesia is ours!" ("Schlesien ist unser!"). This seemed to contradict the official position of the federal diet and government so that Kohl needed to lobby for the intended slogan to be changed.[51][52]

It was originally planned that

United States. In an attempt to reproduce the gesture made by Kohl and French President François Mitterrand a year earlier at Verdun, where they held hands in a symbolic moment, the chancellor and Reagan were set to visit the military cemetery in Bitburg. This raised objections, since the cemetery included the last resting place for several members of the Waffen-SS.[51][53]

It was in this climate that Weizsäcker addressed parliament on 8 May 1985. Here, he articulated the historic responsibility of Germany and Germans for the crimes of Nazism. In contrast to the way the end of the war was still perceived by a majority of people in Germany at the time, he defined 8 May as a "day of liberation".[54] Weizsäcker pointed out the inseparable link between the Nazi takeover of Germany and the tragedies caused by the Second World War.[49] In a passage of striking boldness, he took issue with one of the most cherished defenses of older Germans. "When the unspeakable truth of the Holocaust became known at the end of the war," he said, "all too many of us claimed they had not known anything about it or even suspected anything."[54]

We must not regard the end of the war as the cause of flight, expulsion and deprivation of freedom. The cause goes back to the start of the tyranny that brought about war. We must not separate 8 May 1945 from 30 January 1933.[49]

Weizsäcker during his speech on 8 May 1985

Most notably, Weizsäcker spoke of the danger of forgetting and distorting the past. "There is no such thing as the guilt or innocence of an entire nation. Guilt is, like innocence, not collective but personal. There is discovered or concealed individual guilt. There is guilt which people acknowledge or deny. [...] All of us, whether guilty or not, whether young or old, must accept the past. We are all affected by the consequences and liable for it. [...] We Germans must look truth straight in the eye – without embellishment and without distortion. [...] There can be no reconciliation without remembrance."[54]

Weizsäcker declared that younger generations of Germans "cannot profess a guilt of their own for crimes they did not commit."

Sinti and Roma as another victim group, a fact that was highlighted by the long-time head of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, Romani Rose.[56]

Weizsäcker's speech was praised both nationally and internationally.

Greens were also absent during the speech, choosing instead to visit Auschwitz.[60] A year later, the Green politician Petra Kelly called the speech "correct, but not more than self-evident", pointing to speeches president Gustav Heinemann had made during his presidency.[61] The harshest criticism came from the Federation of Expellees, whose president Herbert Czaja, while thanking the president for highlighting the expellees' fate,[62] criticized his remark that "conflicting legal claims must be subordinated under the imperative of reconciliation".[63]

The speech was later released on

vinyl and sold around 60,000 copies. Two million printed copies of its text were distributed globally, translated into thirteen languages, with 40,000 being sold in Japan alone. This does not include copies of the speech printed in newspapers, such as The New York Times, which reproduced it in full.[57]

Role in the historians' dispute

Speaking to a congress of West German historians in

Stalin's purges – or to seek external explanations for it.[64] Thereby he declared an end to the Historikerstreit ('historians' dispute') that had sharply divided German scholars and journalists for two years, stating "Auschwitz remains unique. It was perpetrated by Germans in the name of Germany. This truth is immutable and will not be forgotten."[65]

In his remarks to the historians, Weizsäcker said their dispute had prompted accusations that they sought to raise a "multitude of comparisons and parallels" that would cause "the dark chapter of our own history to disappear, to be reduced to a mere episode."

Cologne University, whose 1986 book in which he linked the collapse of the eastern front and the Holocaust was one of the subjects of the dispute, declared himself in full agreement with Weizsäcker, insisting that he had never tried to "relativize" the past.[65]

Second term (1989–94)

Unification of Germany

In free self-determination we want to complete Germany's unity and freedom; for our task, we are aware of our responsibility before God and the people; in a united Europe, we want to serve the peace of the world.

Weizsäcker's words in front of the Reichstag on 3 October 1990, which were drowned in the noise of the celebrating crowd.[66]

Reunification of Germany on 3 October 1990 at Berliner Philharmonie

Because of the high esteem in which he was held by Germany's political establishment and in the population,[67] Weizsäcker is so far the only candidate to have stood for elections for the office of President unopposed; he was elected in that way to a second term of office on 23 May 1989.[68]

Weizsäcker took office for his second presidential term on 1 July 1989, and in the course of it he oversaw the end of the

Reunification of Germany. Thereupon, Weizsäcker became the first all-German Head of State since Karl Dönitz in May 1945. At midnight on 3 October 1990, during the official festivities held before the Reichstag building in Berlin to mark the moment of the reunification of Germany, President Weizsäcker delivered the only speech of the night, immediately after the raising of the flag, and before the playing of the National Anthem. His brief remarks, however, were almost inaudible, due to the sound of the bells marking midnight, and of the fireworks that were released to celebrate the moment of reunification.[69] In those remarks he praised the accomplishment of German unity in freedom and in peace. He gave a longer speech at the act of state at the Berliner Philharmonie later that day.[70]

President of a unified Germany

In 1990, Weizsäcker became the first head of state of the German Federal Republic to visit Poland. During his four-day visit, he reassured Poles that the newly unified German state would treat their western and northern borders, which included prewar German lands, as inviolable.[71]

In 1992, Weizsäcker gave the eulogy at the state funeral of former Chancellor

Felipe Gonzalez and former Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev.[72]

Weizsäcker stretched the traditionally ceremonial position of Germany's president to reach across political, national, and age boundaries to address a wide range of controversial issues. He is credited with being largely responsible for taking the lead on an asylum policy overhaul after the arson attack by neo-Nazis in

Mölln, in which three Turkish citizens died in 1993.[73] He also earned recognition at home and abroad for attending memorial services for the victims of neo-Nazi attacks in Mölln and Solingen. The services were snubbed by Chancellor Helmut Kohl, who dismayed many Germans by saying it was not necessary for the government to send a representative.[74]

In March 1994, Weizsäcker attended the Frankfurt premiere of the film Schindler's List along with the Israeli ambassador, Avi Primor, and the head of the Central Council of Jews in Germany, Ignatz Bubis.[75]

During the debate over the change of the seat of the German government from

Tiergarten park.[79]

Critique of party politics

In an interview book released in 1992, midway through his second term, Weizsäcker voiced a harsh critique of the leading political parties in Germany, claiming that they took a larger role in public life than was awarded to them by the constitution. He criticized the high number of career politicians (Berufspolitiker), who "in general are neither expert nor dilettante, but generalists with particular knowledge only in political battle".[80] The immediate reactions toward this interview were mixed. Prominent party politicians such as Rainer Barzel and Johannes Rau criticized the remarks, as did Minister of Labour Norbert Blüm, who asked the president to show more respect towards the work done by party members. Former chancellor Helmut Schmidt, on the other hand, conceded that Weizsäcker was "essentially right". While comments from politicians were mainly negative, a public poll conducted by the Wickert-Institut in June 1992 showed that 87.4 percent of the population agreed with the president.[81] Political commentators generally interpreted the remarks as a hidden attack on the incumbent chancellor Helmut Kohl, since Weizsäcker's relationship with his former patron had cooled over the years.[81] In a column for the German newspaper Der Spiegel, chief-editor Rudolf Augstein criticized the president for his attack, writing: "You cannot have it both ways: on the one hand giving a right and seminal political incentive, but on the other hand insulting the governing class and its chief".[82]

Travels
Richard von Weizsäcker and his wife visiting Jordan in 1985

On his trip to

Houses of Parliament, the first German to be accorded that honor.[84]

In 1987, he travelled to

Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess. This proved unsuccessful, and Hess committed suicide six weeks later.[88] The visit was nevertheless considered a success, as Gorbachev was quoted afterwards saying that "a new page of history was opened",[89] after the two had discussed matters of disarmament.[90] Also in 1987, Erich Honecker became the first East German leader to visit the Federal Republic. While state guests in Germany are usually welcomed by the President, Honecker was still not greeted officially by Weizsäcker, but by chancellor Kohl, since the Federal Republic did not consider the GDR a foreign state. Weizsäcker did however receive Honecker later at his seat of office, the Hammerschmidt Villa.[91]

Post-presidency

Richard von Weizsäcker in 2009

As an elder statesman, Weizsäcker long remained involved in politics and charitable affairs in Germany after his retirement as president. He chaired a commission established by the Social Democratic-Green government of the day for reforming the Bundeswehr.[92] Along with Henry Kissinger, in 1994 he supported Richard Holbrooke in creating the American Academy in Berlin.[93] He was also a member of the Board of Trustees of the Robert Bosch Stiftung.

Weizsäcker served as a member of the Advisory Council of Transparency International.[94] In a letter addressed to Nigeria's military ruler Sani Abacha in 1996, he called for the immediate release of General Olusegun Obasanjo, the former head of state of Nigeria, who had become the first military ruler in Africa to keep his promise to hand over power to an elected civilian government but was later sentenced to 15 years imprisonment.[95]

Weizsäcker also served on many international committees. He was chairman of the Independent Working Group on the future of the

Bergedorf Round Table, a discussion forum on foreign policy issues.[96]

Death and funeral

Weizsäcker's grave at Waldfriedhof Dahlem
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Weizsäcker died in Berlin on 31 January 2015, aged 94. He was survived by his wife, Marianne, and three of their four children.[4] Upon his death, there was general praise for his life and political career. In its obituary, The New York Times called Weizsäcker "a guardian of his nation's moral conscience",[4] while The Guardian commented that Germany was "uniquely fortunate" in having had him as a leader.[97]

He was honored with a state funeral on 11 February 2015 at

Green Party). Steinmeier praised Weizsäcker's role in foreign relations, where he had worked towards reconciliation with France and Poland and supported a dialogue with the communist regimes in the East, often against his own party.[98] The funeral was attended by many serving high-ranking politicians in Germany, including chancellor Angela Merkel. Also in attendance were former presidents Roman Herzog, Horst Köhler, and Christian Wulff, as well as former chancellors Helmut Schmidt and Gerhard Schröder. Princess Beatrix, former Queen of the Netherlands, was also present, as was former Polish president Lech Wałęsa.[99] After the ceremony, soldiers stood to attention as Weizsäcker's coffin was brought to its resting place at Waldfriedhof Dahlem.[98] In the subsequent days, many Berliners visited Weizsäcker's grave to pay tribute and lay down flowers.[100] On 15 April 2020, von Weizsäcker's 100th birthday, incumbent Governing Mayor of Berlin Michael Müller and Ralf Wieland, president of the Abgeordnetenhaus, Berlin's state parliament, laid down a wreath at his grave in honour of his services to the city of Berlin.[101]

Relationship with his party and Helmut Kohl

Von Weizsäcker (center) and Kohl (right) during a CDU press conference in June 1975

Weizsäcker, who had joined the

Auschwitz as reason of state (Staatsräson)."[103]

Helmut Kohl, who served as Chancellor of Germany from 1982 to 1998, was an early patron of Weizsäcker's, effectively helping him into parliament. However, their relationship took a first strain in 1971, when Weizsäcker supported Rainer Barzel over Kohl for the CDU-chairmanship. Subsequently, Kohl unsuccessfully tried to deny Weizsäcker the chance to become president in 1983.[104] After he had taken office, Weizsäcker criticized Kohl's government on numerous occasions, taking liberties not previously heard of from someone in a ceremonial role such as his. For instance, he urged the chancellor to recognize the Oder–Neisse line[105] and spoke out for a more patient approach to the journey towards German reunification.[104] Other examples include the aforementioned speech in 1985 and his critique of party politics in 1992. Following a critical interview Weizsäcker gave to Der Spiegel magazine in September 1997, Kohl reacted during a meeting of his parliamentary group by saying that Weizsäcker (whom he called "that gentleman")[76] was no longer "one of us".[106] This was followed by CDU spokesman Rolf Kiefer stating that the CDU had removed Weizsäcker from its membership database, since the former president had not paid his membership fees in a long time. Weizsäcker then took the matter to the party's arbitrating body and won. The tribunal ruled that he was allowed to let his membership rest indefinitely.[106] After his death, Spiegel editor Gerhard Spörl called Weizsäcker the "intellectual alternative medicine to Kohl".[107]

It was specifically Berlin's Turks from whom I won my view that the German citizenship law was in urgent need for reform. [...] The longer it lasted, the more the jus sanguinis lost its sense compared to a jus soli. Should it really be made difficult for children of foreigners in the third generation to become Germans, even though it would not be a return, but emigration for them to go to the country of their ancestors [...]?[108]

Weizsäcker on his years as Governing Mayor of West Berlin and his views on citizenship.

After his presidency came to an end, Weizsäcker remained vocal in daily politics, e.g. speaking for a more liberal immigration policy, calling the way his party handled it "simply ridiculous".

Social Democrats and the PDS in Berlin after the 2001 state election.[111]

Publications

Weizsäcker's publications include Die deutsche Geschichte geht weiter (German History Continues), first published in 1983;[86] Von Deutschland aus (From Germany Abroad), a collection of speeches first published in 1985;[112] Von Deutschland nach Europa (From Germany to Europe, 1991)[113] and his memoirs Vier Zeiten (Four Times), published in German in 1997[114] and in English as From Weimar to the Wall: My Life in German Politics in 1999.[115] In a review in Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Friedrich Karl Fromme wrote that the memoirs tell nothing new about the times he lived in, but "something about the person".[116] In 2009, he published a book on his recollections of German reunification, titled Der Weg zur Einheit (The Path to Unity). German newspaper Die Welt dismissed the book as "boring", accusing the account of being too balanced.[117]

Other activities and recognition

Richard von Weizsäcker at a Transparency International event in November 2013

Weizsäcker received many honors in his career, including honorary membership in the

Indian Institute of Technology, Madras,[120] the Leo Baeck Prize from the Central Council of Jews in Germany, and the Buber-Rosenzweig Medallion from the Society for Christian-Jewish Cooperation. After his death, deputy director of Poland's international broadcaster, Rafal Kiepuszewski, called Weizsäcker "the greatest German friend Poland has ever had".[121]

Both Chancellor Angela Merkel and President Joachim Gauck praised Weizsäcker, with the latter declaring upon the news of his death: "We are losing a great man and an outstanding head of state."[122] French president François Hollande highlighted Weizsäcker's "moral stature."[122]

Ancestry

Notes

  1. ^ From 1 July 1984 to 2 October 1990, Richard von Weizsäcker was President of West Germany only. From 3 October 1990 until 30 June 1994, he was President of the reunified Germany. The term West Germany is only the common English name for the Federal Republic of Germany between its formation on 23 May 1949 and the German reunification through the accession of East Germany (GDR) in October 1990.

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  3. ^ Schäuble, Wolfgang (11 February 2015). "Er ist immer unser Präsident geblieben". Faz.net (in German). Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. Retrieved 20 April 2015.
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Bibliography

Editions

  • Richard von Weizsäcker. Reden und Interviews (vol. 1), 1. Juli 1984 – 30. Juni 1985. Bonn: Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung. 1986.
  • Richard von Weizsäcker. Reden und Interviews (vol. 5), 1. Juli 1988 – 30. Juni 1989. Bonn: Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung. 1989.
  • Richard von Weizsäcker. Reden und Interviews (vol. 7), 1. Juli 1990 – 30. Juni 1991. Bonn: Presse- und Informationsamt der Bundesregierung. 1992.

Monographs and miscellanies

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Richard von Weizsäcker.
Political offices
Preceded by Governing Mayor of West Berlin
1981–1984 		Succeeded by
Preceded by
President of West Germany

1984–1990 		Germany reunifies
Recreated President of Germany
1990–1994 		Succeeded by
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