US House and Senate career of John McCain (until 2000)

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John Sidney McCain III retired from the United States Navy in April 1981. His last four years in the service had been spent as the Navy's liaison to the United States Senate. He moved to Arizona
with his new wife and, aided by a job from his father-in-law and the contacts it gave him, soon began a new career in politics.

In 1982, he was elected as a

U.S. House of Representatives from Arizona's 1st congressional district. After serving two terms there and making an impression as a rising political figure, he was elected U.S. Senator from Arizona in 1986. He became one of the senators entangled in the Keating Five
scandal of the late 1980s, but survived it and was re-elected in 1992 and 1998.

While generally adhering to

American conservatism, McCain established a reputation as a political maverick for his willingness to defy Republican orthodoxy on several issues. In reaction to his Keating Five experience, he made campaign finance reform one of his signature concerns. He was also a leader in normalizing diplomatic relations with Vietnam. His national visibility as a senator gave him the basis to begin a campaign for the 2000 Republican nomination for President of the United States
.

Entry into politics and 1982 House campaign

Having moved to Phoenix in March 1981, McCain went to work for

Fife Symington III,[1] newspaper publisher Darrow "Duke" Tully,[3] and locally-well-known auto dealer Lou Grubb,[4] all the while looking for an electoral opportunity.[1]

McCain's original plan was to run for a new U.S. House of Representatives seat from Arizona, created by

Arizona Legislature to gain more experience, but McCain had no interest in slowly working his way up.[6]

McCain ran for the seat as a Republican,[7] and formally announced his candidacy in late March 1982.[8] He faced three candidates in the Republican nomination process, all of whom had entered the race before him: State Senator Jim Mack, State Representative Donna Carlson-West, and veterinarian and active civic figure Ray Russell.[1] The others were all given a good chance to win the primary election;[8] McCain ranked at best third in early polls.[9]

During the spring and the 110 °F heat of the Phoenix summer,

George "Bud" Day, his former POW cellmate, and Day's wife, who were familiar with legal and procedural matters.[12] His supporters were dubbed "McCain's navy",[10] and he stressed his familiarity with "the ways of Washington"[13] and how his role as Navy Senate liaison had helped bring a defense contract to the district.[10] Still, as a newcomer to the state, McCain was hit with repeated charges of being a carpetbagger.[1]
Finally, at a candidates forum, he gave a famous refutation to a voter making the charge:

Listen, pal. I spent 22 years in the Navy. My father was in the Navy. My grandfather was in the Navy. We in the military service tend to move a lot. We have to live in all parts of the country, all parts of the world. I wish I could have had the luxury, like you, of growing up and living and spending my entire life in a nice place like the First District of Arizona, but I was doing other things. As a matter of fact, when I think about it now, the place I lived longest in my life was Hanoi.[1][14]

Phoenix Gazette columnist John Kolbe would later label this "the most devastating response to a potentially troublesome political issue I've ever heard."[1]

McCain's campaign fell into early debt; his wife began loaning him tens of thousands of dollars to keep it alive.

income tax returns.[16] In the end, $93,000 of the 1982 loan was forgiven.[15]) The spending advantage made itself felt in television advertising, including a highly effective two-minute mini-documentary that presented him as a new leader for Arizona with a record of service to the country.[4][8] Rival Mack later called that ad the best political commercial he had ever seen.[4]

McCain was endorsed by Senator John Tower, a friend and mentor from his liaison stint who in turn got McCain the endorsement of former Arizona Governor and Senator Paul Fannin.[1] Arizona Senator Barry Goldwater, the state's most powerful political figure, was officially neutral in the race,[13] but many of his aides were working for McCain's opponents. Goldwater himself was said to view McCain as a political opportunist, despite admiring his military service.[6][13] Late in the race, Goldwater made a public statement that was thought critical of McCain, but Tower persuaded Goldwater to avoid public confirmation of it to reporters and limit any damage.[11] McCain benefited from the support of Duke Tully's The Arizona Republic, the state's most powerful newspaper.[3]

McCain won the highly contested primary election on September 7, 1982,[1] getting 32 percent of the vote compared to Russell's 26 percent, Mack's 22 percent, and Carlson-West's 20 percent.[17] Two months later, he would win the general election in the heavily Republican district, defeating Democrat William E. "Bill" Hegarty by a 66 percent to 31 percent margin.[1][18]

U.S. Congressman

House years

McCain in 1983, during his first term in the House

McCain made an immediate impression in Congress. His POW background, social skills, and contacts from his Navy Senate liaison job made him popular and a star among new House members.

Committee on Interior Affairs.[20][21] He coveted this assignment because he wanted to develop expertise on issues relevant to his state, including water rights, public land management, and Native American affairs.[21][22] He was also assigned to the Select Committee on Aging, important due to Arizona's large retired population,[22] and eventually to the chairmanship of the Republican Task Force on Indian Affairs.[20] He fulfilled a campaign pledge to return to his congressional district every weekend, making 47 such trips in his first year.[22] On them, he met frequently with constituents and make many public appearances.[22] This, combined with his wife Cindy's decision to live in Arizona rather than move to Washington, helped solidify his political base in Arizona.[22]

McCain sponsored a number of Indian affairs bills, dealing mainly with distribution of lands to reservations and tribal tax status; most of these bills were unsuccessful.[23] In August 1983, he voted against a bill making Martin Luther King Jr. Day a federal holiday,[24] saying it would be too expensive and that there were already enough federal holidays.[25] The measure, which had failed four years earlier,[26] now passed the House 338–90 and was signed into law later that year.[27]

McCain's politics at this point were mainly in line with those of President

World Anti-Communist League which was an international group that, among other things, aided the rebels in Nicaragua; McCain suspected the council of illegal activity and resigned in 1984.[32][33]

McCain voted against a 1983 resolution allowing President Reagan to keep

Beirut barracks bombing a month later, this stance against his party and president gained him national media exposure and started his reputation as a political maverick.[1] McCain sided with Newt Gingrich's group of young conservatives in some of their battles against the House Democratic leadership,[30] but declined to join Gingrich's Conservative Opportunity Society.[34] McCain felt personal affection for Democratic Speaker of the House Tip O'Neill,[35] and established good relations with some Democrats in the House, such as Paul Simon and especially Mo Udall.[30][36]

McCain won re-election to the House easily in 1984,[1] facing no Republican primary opposition[22] and defeating Democratic energy analyst Harry W. Braun with 78 percent of the vote to 22 percent in the general election.[22] In this and subsequent Arizona campaigns, McCain rarely emphasized his Vietnam and prisoner of war experiences.[37]

Trúc Bạch Lake has a monument to McCain's downing, which he saw on his return visit to Hanoi in 1985.

In the new term, McCain gained a spot on the

House Foreign Affairs Committee in addition to his existing assignments.[38] McCain got the Indian Economic Development Act of 1985 signed into law,[39] and the following year worked on early attempts at legislation regarding Indian gaming.[40] He took moderate stands on the environment and on social issues, and applauded Jack Kemp's concerns for African Americans and other underprivileged groups.[30] In 1985 he returned to Vietnam with Walter Cronkite for a CBS News special, and saw the monument put up next to where the famous downed "air pirate Ma Can" had been pulled from the Hanoi lake;[41] it was the first of several return trips McCain would make there.[41] In 1986, McCain voted to override Reagan's veto of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act that imposed sanctions against South Africa.[42]

In December 1985, McCain visited

More children

In 1984 McCain and his wife Cindy had their first child together, daughter

Episcopalian,[59] and while Cindy and two of their children were baptized into the Baptist church, he was not.[59]

1986 Senate campaign

McCain decided to run for

Torie Clarke, McCain's political strength convinced his most formidable possible Democratic opponent, Governor Bruce Babbitt, not to run for the seat.[60] Instead McCain faced a weaker opponent, former state legislator Richard Kimball, a young politician with an offbeat personality who slept on his office floor[61] and whom McCain's allies in the Arizona press characterized as having "terminal weirdness."[60] McCain's associations with Duke Tully, who by now had been disgraced for having concocted a fictitious military record, as well as revelations of father-in-law Jim Hensley's past brushes with the law, became campaign issues.[3][60]

In the end, McCain won the election easily with 60 percent of the vote to Kimball's 40 percent.

U.S. Senator

Senate career starts

Newly elected Senator McCain met President Ronald Reagan and First Lady Nancy Reagan in March 1987.

Upon entering the Senate in 1987, McCain kept a low profile.

Candy desk.[63]

McCain was a strong supporter of the

McCain often supported the

Native American gambling enterprises and established the balance between Indian tribal sovereignty and regulatory oversight by the states of such activity.[70] After its passage, McCain stated his personal opposition to Indian gaming, but said that when communities under poverty "are faced with only one option for economic development, and that is to set up gambling on their reservations, then I cannot disapprove."[66] The Act enabled the growth of what would become, two decades later, the $23 billion Indian gaming industry,[69] and one scholar has referred to McCain as "one of the founding fathers of Indian gaming."[66]

Martin Luther King Jr. Day had become a big issue in McCain's home state, with Governor Evan Mecham making opposition to it his signature stance.[71][72] McCain had continued his opposition to the holiday by supporting Mecham's rescinding of the Arizona holiday for King in 1987.[25] In 1988, Mecham was impeached and removed from office due to felony charges. McCain told Mecham, "You should never have been elected. You're an embarrassment to the party."[73] By 1989, McCain reiterated his opposition to the federal holiday,[25] but reversed position on the state holiday, due to the economic boycotts and image problems Arizona was receiving as a result of it not having one.[25] He told Republicans opposing the state holiday, "You will damn well do this. You will make this a holiday. You're making us look like fools."[73] In 1990, a state referendum on enacting the holiday was held; McCain persuaded Ronald Reagan to support it.[71][72][74] However, Mecham led an effort that year that defeated the referendum.[71][75]

During the late 1980s, McCain gained some national visibility. He delivered a speech, about a fellow Hanoi Hilton prisoner's persistence in making an American flag despite beatings, that drew audience tears and a standing ovation at the

U.S. Secretary of Defense; McCain butted heads with Moral Majority co-founder Paul Weyrich, who was challenging Tower regarding alleged heavy drinking and extramarital affairs.[60] Thus began McCain's difficult relationship with the Christian right; he would later write that Weyrich was "a pompous self-serving son of a bitch."[60]

McCain supported the United States invasion of Panama in 1989.[78] McCain partnered with Senator Al Gore on the 1989 Missile and Proliferation Control Act, which established sanctions on companies and nations that engaged in the trade or development of long-range missile systems,[79] and the 1992 Iran-Iraq Arms Nonproliferation Act (commonly known as the Gore-McCain Act), which established penalties for persons and companies assisting Iraq or Iran in acquiring missile technology.[80][81]

Keating Five scandal

John McCain's upward political trajectory was jolted when he became enmeshed in the

Charles Keating Jr.'s Lincoln Savings and Loan Association, a subsidiary of his American Continental Corporation, was insolvent as a result of some bad loans. In order to overcome its debt, Lincoln violated "direct investment" rules by directing accounts by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation into commercial real estate ventures.[82] This caught the eye of federal regulators, who were looking to shut Lincoln down.[83]
Keating contacted five senators to whom he made contributions, looking for them to intervene with the regulators on his behalf.

McCain and Keating had become personal friends following their initial contacts in 1981.[84] Between 1982 and 1987, McCain had received $112,000 in lawful[85] political contributions from Keating and his associates.[86] In addition, McCain's wife Cindy and her father Jim Hensley had invested $359,100 in a Keating shopping center in April 1986, a year before McCain met with the regulators. McCain, his family, and their baby-sitter had made nine trips at Keating's expense, sometimes aboard the American Continental jet.

By March 1987, Keating was asking McCain to travel to meet with regulators regarding Lincoln Savings; McCain refused.[84] Keating called McCain a "wimp" behind his back, and on March 24 the two had a heated, contentious meeting.[84] On April 2 and April 9, 1987, McCain and the other senators met at the Capitol with regulators, first with Edwin J. Gray, chairman of the Federal Home Loan Bank Board, and then members of the FHLBB San Francisco branch, to discuss the government's investigation of Lincoln.[84] McCain would write in 2002 that attending the two meetings was "the worst mistake of my life".[87]

News of the meetings first appeared in

National Thrift News in September 1987, but was only sporadically covered by the general media through April 1989.[88] Towards the end of that period, after learning Keating was in trouble over Lincoln, McCain paid a total of $13,433 for his air trips.[89]

McCain and some of his family attended the September 1992 christening of USS John S. McCain at Bath Iron Works in Maine. The photograph taken at the time shows, left to right, John McCain, his mother Roberta McCain, his son Jack, his daughter Meghan (the ship's maid of honor), and his wife Cindy McCain (the ship's sponsor).

The regulators backed off Keating, and Lincoln stayed in business. Still desperate for cash, it convinced customers to replace their federally-insured

certificates of deposit with higher-yielding junk bond certificates of American Continental.[90] In April 1989, Lincoln failed; about 23,000 customers were left with worthless bonds, and many elderly investors lost their life savings.[90] Federal regulators filed a $1.1 billion civil racketeering and fraud
suit against Keating. The five senators came under investigation for attempting to influence the regulators.

In the end, none of the senators was charged with any crime. Instead, the

Senate Ethics Committee investigated them. Robert S. Bennett, who was the special investigator for the committee, wanted to drop any action against McCain and Senator John Glenn, on the grounds of insufficient evidence,[91] but the committee disagreed.[92] After public hearings, McCain was mildly rebuked by the committee for exercising "poor judgment" in intervening with the federal regulators on Keating's behalf,[83] but its 1991 report said that McCain's "actions were not improper nor attended with gross negligence and did not reach the level of requiring institutional action against him. ... Senator McCain has violated no law of the United States or specific Rule of the United States Senate."[85] (In later years, several retrospective accounts of the controversy reiterated a contention that McCain was included in the investigation primarily so that there would be at least one Republican target.[93][94][95]) On his Keating Five experience, McCain said: "The appearance of it was wrong. It's a wrong appearance when a group of senators appear in a meeting with a group of regulators, because it conveys the impression of undue and improper influence. And it was the wrong thing to do."[83]

The Senate Ethics Committee did not pursue, for lack of jurisdiction, any possible ethics breaches in McCain's delayed reimbursements to Keating for trips at the latter's expense, because they occurred while McCain was in the House.

leaked to the press sensitive information about the investigation that came from some of the closed proceedings of the Ethics Committee.[83] McCain denied doing so under oath, although several press reports, and later one of the investigators, concluded that McCain had been one of the main leakers during that time.[83][96]

McCain survived the political scandal in part by becoming friendly with the political press.[98] He held a lengthy press conference in which he answered all questions.[99] With his blunt manner, he became a frequent guest on television newscasts and talk-oriented news shows,[99] especially once the 1991 Gulf War – which he had voted in favor of[31] – began and his military and POW experience came into demand.[98] McCain began campaigning against lobbyist money in politics from then on.

McCain's 1992 re-election campaign found his opposition split between Democratic community and civil rights activist

Emily's List.[101] McCain outspent Sargent, $3 million to $350,000.[101]

McCain again won handily,[98] getting 56 percent of the vote to Sargent's 32 percent and Mecham's 11 percent. McCain's victory put a final end to Mecham's political career. During the same election Arizona finally passed a referendum, which McCain supported,[102] enabling the state Martin Luther King Jr. holiday.[72]

Vietnam redux

McCain was a co-sponsor of the Agent Orange Act of 1991, which enabled disability benefits for Vietnam veterans afflicted with Agent Orange-related diseases[103] and established periodic scientific reviews to determine what levels of exposure and diseases would be covered.[104] In January 1993, McCain was named chairman of the board of directors of the International Republican Institute,[105] a non-profit democracy-promotion organization with informal ties to the Republican party.[106] The position would allow McCain to bolster his foreign policy expertise and credentials[105] as well as his future fundraising prospects.[106] At the same time, he was named head of recruiting and fund-raising for Republican senatorial candidates.[106] Further in 1993, a melanoma was discovered on his shoulder and removed.[107] In 1990, McCain voted to confirm David Souter as a Supreme Court justice, and in 1991, he supported the contentious but eventually successful nomination of Clarence Thomas.[65] In 1993 and 1994, McCain voted to confirm President Clinton's nominees Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Stephen Breyer, whom he considered to be qualified for the Supreme Court despite differing judicial philosophies from his. He would later explain that "under our Constitution, it is the president's call to make."[108]

McCain was a key member of the 1991–1993

Senate Select Committee on POW/MIA Affairs, chaired by Democrat and fellow Vietnam War veteran John Kerry, which was convened to investigate the Vietnam War POW/MIA issue: the fate of U.S. service personnel listed as missing in action during the Vietnam War. The committee's work included more visits to Vietnam and persuading the Department of Defense to declassify over a million pages of relevant documents.[109] The committee's final report, which McCain endorsed, stated that, "While the Committee has some evidence suggesting the possibility a POW may have survived to the present, and while some information remains yet to be investigated, there is, at this time, no compelling evidence that proves that any American remains alive in captivity in Southeast Asia."[110] After many years of disliking Kerry due to his actions with Vietnam Veterans Against the War,[111] McCain developed "unbounded respect and admiration" for him during the hearings.[111][112]

The actions of the committee were designed to allow for improved ties between the two countries,[113] although that goal was not shared by a large segment of Republicans.[114] McCain pressed for normalization of diplomatic relations with Vietnam, partly because it was "a time to heal ... it's a way of ending the war; it's time to move on,"[115] and partly because he saw it in the U.S. national interest to do so,[115] in particular envisioning Vietnam as a valuable regional counterbalance against China.[116] In 1994 the Senate passed a resolution, sponsored by Kerry and McCain, that called for an end to the existing trade embargo against Vietnam; it was intended to pave the way for normalization.[117] During his time on the committee and afterward, McCain was vilified as a fraud,[115] traitor,[111] or "Manchurian Candidate"[116] by some POW/MIA activists who believed that large numbers of American servicemen were still being held against their will in Southeast Asia. They were angry that McCain did not share their belief and that he sought to normalize relations with Vietnam.[115] McCain's high-profile on the Vietnam issue also cost him the friendship of some fellow former POWs;[118] McCain and 1992 independent presidential candidate Ross Perot, who had helped McCain's wife Carol during her husband's captivity, also had a falling out over the POW/MIA issue, which then extended to Perot blasting McCain's remarriage to Cindy McCain.[119] In return, McCain attacked those he saw as profiteers exploiting the families of those missing in action.[120]

In response to the criticism of the committee's findings, McCain said that he and Kerry had convinced the Vietnamese to give them full access to their records, and that he had spent thousands of hours trying to find real, not fabricated, evidence of surviving Americans.[109] McCain's push for normalization was opposed by some leading Senate Republicans, including Phil Gramm and Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole.[121] In 1995, President Bill Clinton normalized diplomatic relations with Vietnam.[116] McCain's and Kerry's visible support during the announcement gave Clinton, who came of age during Vietnam but did not serve in the military, some political cover.[111][116][120]

These actions were of a piece with McCain's attitude towards domestic reconciliation from the Vietnam era; unlike many who went to Vietnam (some of whom were his best friends), he did not hold grudges against those who did not go.[118] In 1993 he had offered to escort Clinton on a speaking visit to the Vietnam Veterans Memorial at a time when some veterans were angrily challenging Clinton's moral right to go there.[118][120] He also struck up a friendship with an anti-war leader, David Ifshin, who had once traveled to Hanoi to make an anti-American propaganda broadcast that McCain had heard in his cell.[120]

A maverick senator

Having survived the Keating Five scandal, McCain made attacking what he saw as the corrupting influence of big money on American politics his signature issue.[42] Starting in late 1994 he worked with Democratic Wisconsin Senator

McCain-Feingold Act was introduced into the Senate in September 1995; it was filibustered in 1996 and never came to a vote.[124]

McCain attacked what he saw as

U.S. Supreme Court ruled the act unconstitutional in 1998.[125] In a more symbolic attempt to limit congressional privilege, he introduced an amendment in 1994 to remove free VIP parking for members of Congress at D.C. area airports; his annoyed colleagues rejected the notion and accused McCain of grandstanding.[42]
He was the only Republican senator to vote against the
Freedom to Farm Act in 1996,[126] saying that it catered to special interests rather than representing true reform of farm subsidies policy.[127] He was one of only five senators to vote against the Telecommunications Act of 1996,[128] on the grounds that it put the economic interests of corporations ahead of those of consumers.[129]

McCain became chairman of the

Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole,[132] and was again on the short list of possible vice-presidential picks.[98][133] McCain formed a close bond with Dole, based in part on their shared near-death war experiences;[133] he nominated Dole at the 1996 Republican National Convention and was a key friend and advisor to Dole throughout his ultimately losing general election campaign.[133]

McCain at the Pentagon in 1997.

In 1997, McCain became chairman of the powerful

issue ads" run by independent groups within 60 days of an election.[136] While having majority support, it was fiercely opposed by Senator Mitch McConnell on free speech and partisan threat grounds, and it again fell victim to a filibuster and failed to gain cloture.[124][136]

McCain easily won re-election to a third senate term in November 1998, gaining 69 percent of the vote to 27 percent for his Democratic opponent, environmental lawyer

Ed Ranger.[42] Ranger was a motorcycle enthusiast whose Harley-Davidson was painted as the flag of Arizona[137] and a political novice who had only recently returned from four years of working and living in Mexico.[138] McCain carried Democratic stronghold Apache County by 54–42 percent and won Hispanic votes statewide by 52–42 percent.[139] McCain took no "soft money" during the campaign, but still raised $4.4 million for his bid, saying that he had needed it in case the tobacco companies or other Washington special interests mounted a strong effort against him.[42] One of Ranger's campaigning points had been that McCain was really more interested in running for president;[42] McCain indeed created a presidential exploratory committee the following month.[137]

McCain had been uncomfortable and largely silent during the 1998

obstruction of justice counts.[140] In his remarks on the Senate floor, McCain said: "Although I may admit to failures in my private life, I have [always] kept faith with every oath I have ever sworn to this country. I have known some men who kept that faith at the cost of their lives. I cannot – not in deference to public opinion, or for political considerations, or for the sake of comity and friendship – I cannot agree to expect less from the President."[141]

During 1999, the

McCain-Feingold Act once again came up for consideration, this time with soft money prohibition features in but the issue ads provision out.[136] McConnell challenged McCain to name specific senators who had been corrupted by existing campaign finance practices, but McCain refused.[136] In the end, the same failure to gain cloture befell the legislation again.[124] During that year, McCain shared the Profile in Courage Award with Feingold for their work in trying to enact this campaign finance reform; McCain was cited for opposing his own party on the bill at a time when he was trying to win the party's presidential nomination.[142] Indeed, by April 1999 aspects of McCain's 2000 presidential campaign were underway, and his stance regarding the Kosovo War
and other issues would take place in that context.

Election results

Arizona's 1st congressional district: Results 1982–1984[18]
Year Democrat Votes Pct Republican Votes Pct 3rd Party Party Votes Pct
1982
William E. Hegarty 41,261 31% John McCain 89,116 66% Richard K. Dodge Libertarian 4,850 4%
1984
Harry W. Braun 45,609 22% John McCain 162,418 78%
U.S. Senate elections in Arizona (Class III): Results 1986–1998[18]
Year Democrat Votes Pct Republican Votes Pct 3rd Party Party Votes Pct 3rd Party Party Votes Pct 3rd Party Party Votes Pct
1986
Richard Kimball 340,965 40% John McCain 521,850 60%
1992
Claire Sargent
436,321 32% John McCain 771,395 56% Evan Mecham
Independent
145,361 11% Kiana Delamare Libertarian 22,613 2% Ed Finkelstein New Alliance 6,335 <1%
1998
Ed Ranger
275,224 27% John McCain 696,577 69% John C. Zajac Libertarian 23,004 2% Bob Park Reform 18,288 2%

* Write-in notes: According to the Clerk's office, there were 106 write-in votes registered in 1986; 26 write-in votes in 1992; and 187 write-ins in 1998.

See also

Bibliography

  • Alexander, Paul (2002). Man of the People: The Life of John McCain. .
  • .
  • Timberg, Robert (1999). .

References

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  2. ^ Gilbertson, Dawn (2007-01-23). "McCain, his wealth tied to wife's family beer business". The Arizona Republic. Retrieved 2009-02-11.
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  5. ^ a b Timberg, An American Odyssey, pp. 137–40.
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  7. ^ Thornton, Mary (1982-12-16). "Arizona 1st District John McCain". The Washington Post.
  8. ^ a b c d e Timberg, An American Odyssey, pp. 141–42.
  9. ^ Alexander, Man of the People, p. 96.
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  12. . p. 297.
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  14. ^ Timberg, An American Odyssey, pp. 143–44.
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