Estado Novo (Portugal)
Portuguese Republic República Portuguesa (Portuguese) | |||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1933–1974 | |||||||||
Motto: Deus, Pátria e Familia ("God, Fatherland and Family") President | | ||||||||
• 1926–1951 | Óscar Carmona | ||||||||
• 1951–1958 | Francisco Craveiro Lopes | ||||||||
• 1958–1974 | Américo Tomás | ||||||||
Prime Minister | |||||||||
• 1932–1968 | António de Oliveira Salazar | ||||||||
• 1968–1974 | Marcelo Caetano | ||||||||
Legislature | |||||||||
• Consultative chamber | National Assembly | ||||||||
History | |||||||||
19 March 1933 | |||||||||
11 April 1933 | |||||||||
14 December 1955 | |||||||||
25 April 1974 | |||||||||
Area | |||||||||
• Total | 92,212 km2 (35,603 sq mi) | ||||||||
Population | |||||||||
• 1970 | 25,796,000 | ||||||||
GDP (nominal) | 1970 estimate | ||||||||
• Total | $15.888 billion | ||||||||
• Per capita | $616 | ||||||||
HDI (1970) | 0.653 medium | ||||||||
Currency | Portuguese escudo | ||||||||
|
| ||
---|---|---|
Prime Minister of Portugal 1932–1968
Government
Other |
||
The Estado Novo (Portuguese pronunciation:
Opposed to
Portugal joined the
From 1950 until Salazar's death in 1970, Portugal saw its GDP per capita increase at an annual average rate of 5.7 per cent.[9] Despite the remarkable economic growth, and economic convergence, by the fall of the Estado Novo in 1974, Portugal still had the lowest per capita income and the lowest literacy rate in Western Europe (although this also remained true following the fall, and continues to the present day).[10][11][12] On 25 April 1974, the Carnation Revolution in Lisbon, a military coup organized by left-wing Portuguese military officers – the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) – led to the end of the Estado Novo.
Prelude
King
The 28 May 1926 coup d'état or, during the period of Estado Novo, the National Revolution (Portuguese: Revolução Nacional), was a military action that put an end to the chaotic Portuguese First Republic and initiated the Ditadura Militar (Military Dictatorship) which in 1928 transitioned into the Ditadura Nacional (National Dictatorship). Salazar became prime minister in 1932, and in 1933 renamed it the Estado Novo (New State), defining Portugal as a corporative, single-party and multi-continental country.
With
According to some Portuguese scholars like
To support his colonial policies, Salazar eventually adopted Brazilian historian Gilberto Freyre's notion of lusotropicalism by asserting that, since Portugal had been a multicultural, multiracial, and pluricontinental nation since the 15th century, losing its overseas territories in Africa and Asia would dismember the country and end Portuguese independence. In geopolitical terms, losing these territories would decrease the Portuguese state's self-sufficiency.
Throughout the 1930s and 1940s, Salazar had strongly resisted Freyre's ideas, partly because Freyre claimed the Portuguese were more prone than other European nations to miscegenation. Salazar adopted lusotropicalism only after sponsoring Freyre on a visit to Portugal and some of its overseas territories in 1951 and 1952. Freyre's work, Aventura e Rotina (Adventure and Routine) resulted from this visit.
Under the Estado Novo regime, Portugal's most notable sports star,
Regime
History of Portugal |
---|
Timeline |
Portugal portal |
The Estado Novo based its political philosophy around a close interpretation of the
A new constitution was drafted by a group of lawyers, businessmen, clerics, and university professors, with Salazar as the leading spirit and Marcelo Caetano also playing a major role.[19] The constitution created the Estado Novo ('New State'), in theory a corporatist state representing interest groups rather than individuals. The leaders wanted a system in which the people would be represented through corporations, rather than through divisive parties, and where national interest was given priority over sectional claims. Salazar thought that the party system had failed irretrievably in Portugal.[20]
Unlike Mussolini or
The legislature, called the National Assembly, was restricted to members of the National Union. It could initiate legislation, but only concerning matters that did not require government expenditures.[22] The parallel Corporative Chamber included representatives of municipalities, religious, cultural, and professional groups, and of the official workers' syndicates that replaced free trade unions.[22]
According to Howard Wiarda, "The men who came to power in the Estado Novo were genuinely concerned with the poverty and backwardness of their nation, divorcing themselves from Anglo-American political influences while developing a new indigenous political model and alleviating the miserable living conditions of both rural and urban poor."[23]
The new constitution introduced by Salazar established an anti-parliamentarian and authoritarian government that would last until 1974. The president was to be elected by popular vote for a period of seven years. On paper, the new document vested sweeping, almost dictatorial powers in the hands of the president, including the power to appoint and dismiss the prime minister.[24] The president was elevated to a position of preeminence as the "balance wheel", the defender and ultimate arbiter of national politics.[24] [b] President Carmona, however, had allowed Salazar more or less a free hand since appointing him prime minister and continued to do so. Carmona and his successors would largely be figureheads as Salazar wielded the true power. Wiarda argues that Salazar achieved his position of power not just because of constitutional stipulations, but also because of his character: domineering, absolutist, ambitious, hardworking, and intellectually brilliant.[26]
The corporatist constitution was approved in the national Portuguese constitutional referendum of 19 March 1933.[24][27] A draft had been published one year before, and the public was invited to state any objections in the press.[27] These tended to stay in the realm of generalities and only a handful of people, less than 6,000, voted against the new constitution. [27] The new constitution was approved with 99.5% of the vote, but with 488,840 abstentions[27] (in a registered electorate of 1,330,258) counting as "yes".[28] Hugh Kay points out that the large number of abstentions might be attributable to the fact that voters were presented with a package deal to which they had to say "yes" or "no" with no opportunity to accept one clause and reject another.[27] In this referendum, women were allowed to vote for the first time in Portugal. Their right to vote had not been obtained during the First Republic, despite feminist efforts, and even in the referendum vote, secondary education was a requirement for female voters, whereas males only needed to be able to read and write.[29] The right for women to vote was later broadened twice under the Estado Novo. The first time was in 1946 and the second time in 1968 under Marcelo Caetano, law 2137 proclaimed the equality of men and women for electoral purposes. The 1968 electoral law did not make any distinction between men and women.[30][31][32]
The year 1933 marked a watershed of legislation in Portuguese history. Under Salazar's supervision, Teotónio Pereira, the Sub-Secretary of State of Corporations and Social Welfare, reporting directly to Salazar, enacted extensive legislation that shaped the corporatist structure and initiated a comprehensive social welfare system.[33] This system was equally anti-capitalist and anti-socialist. The corporatization of the working class was accompanied by strict legislation regulating business. Workers' organizations were subordinated to state control but granted a legitimacy that they had never before enjoyed and were made beneficiaries of a variety of new social programs.[34] Nevertheless, it is important to note that even in the enthusiastic early years, corporatist agencies were not at the center of power and therefore corporatism was not the true base of the whole system.[35]
In 1934, Portugal crushed the Portuguese Fascist Movement[36] and exiled Francisco Rolão Preto as a part of a purge of the leadership of the Portuguese National Syndicalists, also known as the camisas azuis ("Blue Shirts"). Salazar denounced the National Syndicalists as "inspired by certain foreign models" and condemned their "exaltation of youth, the cult of force through direct action, the principle of the superiority of state political power in social life, [and] the propensity for organizing masses behind a single leader" as fundamental differences between fascism and the Catholic corporatism of the Estado Novo. Salazar's own party, the National Union, was formed as a subservient umbrella organization to support the regime itself, and therefore did not have its own philosophy. At the time, many European countries feared the destructive potential of communism. Many members of the National Syndicalist Movement eventually joined the National Union. One overriding criticism of his regime is that stability was bought and maintained at the expense of suppression of human rights and liberties.[22]
The corporatist state had some similarities to Benito Mussolini's Italian fascism, but considerable differences in its moral approach to governing.[37] Although Salazar admired Mussolini and was influenced by his Labour Charter of 1927,[19] Salazar distanced himself from fascist dictatorship, which he considered a pagan Caesarist political system that recognized neither legal nor moral limits.
Salazar also viewed German Nazism as espousing pagan elements that he considered repugnant. Just before World War II, Salazar made this declaration: "We are opposed to all forms of Internationalism, Communism, Socialism, Syndicalism and everything that may divide or minimize, or break up the family. We are against class warfare, irreligion and disloyalty to one's country; against serfdom, a materialistic conception of life, and might over right."[5] however the Estado Novo adopted many fascist characteristics with the Legião Portuguesa, Mocidade Portuguesa, and Corporatism being the most prominent examples; after the end of World War II, Salazar distanced his regime from fascism.[38][39][40]
World War II
Portugal was officially neutral in the
In 1942, Australian troops briefly occupied Portuguese Timor, but were soon overwhelmed by invading Japanese. Salazar worked to regain control of East Timor, which came about after the Japanese surrender in 1945.[44]
In 1945, Portugal declared two days of mourning for the death of Adolf Hitler.[45]
Post-World War II
After World War II (1939–1945), however, the corporatist economic model was less and less applicable. And after decolonization in the 1950s and 1960s, the Portuguese regime became also a source of criticism and dissent by most of the international community. Nevertheless, Salazar clung to it, thereby slowing the nation's long-term economic development.[46] Salazar's postwar policy allowed some liberalization in politics, in terms of organized opposition with more freedom of the press. Opposition parties were tolerated to an extent, but they were also controlled, limited, and manipulated, with the result that they split into factions and never formed a united opposition.[47] He permitted the formation of Movement of Democratic Unity (Movimento de Unidade Democrática) in 1945. It boycotted the election and Salazar won handily on 18 November 1945.[48] In 1949 Portugal became a founding member of NATO.
President
Naval Minister Américo Tomás, a staunch conservative, ran in the 1958 elections as the official candidate. General Humberto Delgado was the opposition candidate—the only time in both incarnations of the Second Republic that an opposition candidate was still in the race on election day. Delgado was credited with only around 25% of the votes with 52.6% in favour of Tomás.[50] The election had initially been seen as little better than a pantomime of democracy before a reporter asked Delgado whether he would retain Salazar if elected. Delgado famously replied, "Obviamente, demito-o!" ("Obviously, I'll sack him!") He was well aware that the president's ability to dismiss the prime minister was, on paper, the only check on Salazar's power. Delgado's rallies subsequently attracted vast crowds. Evidence later surfaced that the PIDE had stuffed the ballot boxes with votes for Tomás, leading many neutral observers to conclude that Delgado would have won had Salazar allowed an honest election.
After the elections, Delgado was expelled from the Portuguese military and took refuge in the Brazilian embassy before going into exile, spending much of it in Brazil and later in Algeria. Even though the electoral system was so heavily rigged in favour of the National Union that Tomás could not have possibly been defeated, Salazar was not willing to leave anything to chance. He abolished the direct election of presidents in favour of indirect election by the National Assembly—which was firmly controlled by the regime—serving as an electoral college.[51]
On 23 January 1961, military officer and politician
In 1962, the
The reluctance of many young men to embrace the hardships of the Portuguese Colonial War resulted in tens of thousands of Portuguese citizens each year leaving to seek economic opportunities abroad in order to escape conscription. In over 15 years, nearly one million emigrated to France, another million to the United States, many hundreds of thousands to Germany, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, Luxembourg, Venezuela, or Brazil. Political parties, such as the Socialist Party, persecuted at home, were established in exile. The only party which managed to continue (illegally) operating in Portugal during all the dictatorship was the Portuguese Communist Party.[citation needed]
In 1964, Delgado founded the
Delgado and his Brazilian secretary, Arajaryr Moreira de Campos, were murdered on 13 February 1965 in Spain in an ambush by PIDE.
According to some Portuguese right-wing scholars like
Salazar suffered a stroke in 1968. As it was thought that he did not have long to live, Tomás replaced him with Marcelo Caetano, former rector of the University of Lisbon and prominent scholar of its law school, and despite his protest resignation in 1962, a supporter of the regime. Salazar was never informed of this decision, and reportedly died in 1970 still believing he was prime minister. Most of the people hoped Caetano would soften the edges of Salazar's authoritarian regime and modernize the already growing economy. Caetano moved on to foster economic growth and made important social improvements, such as the awarding of a monthly pension to rural workers who had never had the chance to pay
However, the 1973 oil crisis had a potentially beneficial effect on Portugal because the largely unexploited oil reserves that Portugal had in its overseas territories of Angola and São Tomé and Príncipe were being developed at a fast pace. Although Caetano was fundamentally authoritarian, he did make some efforts to open up the regime. Soon after taking power, he rebranded the regime as the "Social State", and slightly increased freedom of speech and the press. These measures did not go nearly far enough for a significant element of the population who had no memory of the instability which preceded Salazar. The people were also disappointed that Caetano was unwilling to open up the electoral system. The conduct of the 1969 and 1973 elections was little different from past elections over the previous four decades. The National Union—renamed People's National Action—swept every seat, as before. Also as before, the opposition was still barely tolerated; opposition candidates were subjected to harsh repression. However, Caetano had to expend all of his political capital to wring even these meager reforms out of the hardliners in the regime—most notably Tomás, who was not nearly as willing to give Caetano the free rein that he gave Salazar. Caetano was thus in no position to resist when Tomás and the other hardliners forced the end of the reform experiment in 1973.
Economy
Portugal's overriding problem in 1926 was its enormous public debt. Several times between 1926 and 1928, Salazar turned down appointments to the finance ministry. He pleaded ill-health, devotion to his aged parents and a preference for the academic cloisters. In 1927, under the ministry of
Within one year, armed with special powers, Salazar balanced the budget and stabilized Portugal's currency. Restoring order to the national accounts, enforcing austerity, and red-penciling waste, Salazar produced the first of many budgetary surpluses, an unparalleled novelty in Portugal.[57]
In July 1940, the American Life magazine featured an article on Portugal, and, referring to its recent chaotic history, asserted that "anyone who saw Portugal 15 years ago might well have said it deserved to die. It was atrociously governed, bankrupt, squalid, ridden with disease and poverty. It was such a mess that the League of Nations coined a word to describe the absolute low in national welfare: 'Portuguese'. Then the Army overthrew the Republic which had brought the country to this sorry pass". Life added that ruling Portugal was difficult and explained how Salazar "found a country in chaos and poverty" and then reformed it".[58]
From 1950 until Salazar's death in 1970, Portugal saw its GDP per capita increase at an annual average rate of 5.7 per cent. The rise of new technocrats in the early 1960s with a background in economics and technical-industrial expertise led to a new period of economic fostering, with Portugal as an attractive country for international investment. Industrial development and economic growth continued throughout the 1960s. During Salazar's tenure, Portugal participated in the founding of the
In 1960, at the initiation of Salazar's more outward-looking economic policy after the beginning of the end of a period of deep economically illiberal corporativism and protectionism,
Regarding the overseas territories, beyond military measures, the official Portuguese response to the "
Notwithstanding the concentration of the means of production in the hands of a small number of family-based financial-industrial groups, Portuguese business culture permitted a surprising upward mobility of university-educated individuals with middle-class backgrounds into professional management careers.
Before the 1974 Carnation Revolution, the largest, most technologically advanced (and most recently organized) firms offered the greatest opportunity for management careers based on merit rather than by accident of birth.
By the early 1970s Portugal's fast economic growth with increasing
The economy of Portugal and its overseas territories on the eve of the Carnation Revolution (a military coup on 25 April 1974) was growing well above the European average. Average family purchasing power was rising together with new consumption patterns and trends and this was promoting both investments in new
The Estado Novo regime's economic policy encouraged and created conditions for the formation of large and successful business conglomerates. Economically, the Estado Novo regime maintained a policy of
Besides that, the overseas territories were also displaying impressive economic growth and development rates from the 1920s onwards. Even during the
On 13 November 1972, a sovereign wealth fund (Fundo do Ultramar - the Overseas Fund) was enacted through the Decree Law Decreto-Lei No. 448/ /72 and the Ministry of Defense ordinance Portaria 696/72, in order to finance the counterinsurgency effort in the Portuguese overseas territories.[67] In addition, new decree laws (Decree Law: Decretos-Leis Nos. 353, de 13 de Julho de 1973, e 409, de 20 de Agosto) were enforced in order to cut down military expenses and increase the number of officers by incorporating irregular militia as if they were regular military academy officers.[68][69][70][71]
Education
First years (1933–1936)
With its founding 1933 political constitution, the Estado Novo established compulsory education at three years. Compulsory education was first introduced in Portugal during the monarchy (in 1844) with the duration of three years, then increased to five years during the First Republic, but it was never really enforced.[72] The political constitution defines public education as aiming for: "in addition to the physical reinvigoration and the improvement of intellectual faculties, the formation of character, professional value and all civic and moral virtues" (Constituição de 1933, Artigo 43).[73]
During the first three years of the Estado Novo, the then Ministry of Public Instruction, had a total of four different ministers.[74]
Ministry of Carneiro Pacheco (1936–1940)
In 1936, António Carneiro Pacheco (then rector of the University of Lisbon)[74] was nominated as the minister of the public instruction.[75] In the same year, his ministry issued a law that altered the ministry's name to Ministry of National Education, and included a National Board of Education (Junta Nacional da Educação). This National Board of Education aimed to study and inform the minister in all matters of both education and culture. Parents and educators were to be represented in all sections of this board, except for the cultural relations and scientific research section.[76] This board replaced the Superior Council for Public Instruction, which had existed since 1835,[77] along with other consulting boards, such as the National Board of Excavations and Antiques.[76]
Further events of note during Pacheco's mandate were the creation of the Mocidade Portuguesa, the Plan of the Centennials (Plano dos Centenários), and the adoption of a single, national textbook for each grade.[76]
The Mocidade Portuguesa was established in 1936, defined as a "national and pre-military organization that is able to stimulate the integral development of [the youth's] physical capacities, the formation of [their] character and devotion to the Fatherland and put [them] in conditions to be able to compete effectively for its defense" (Law 1941, Base XI).[76]
The Plan of the Centennials aimed to build a network of schools, uniformed by region, that would obey the pedagogical and hygienic criteria of the time. The buildings would be adapted to reflect the differences in climate, material resources, and processes of construction of each region. The plan was officially approved in 1939, but due to World War II, only started its first phase in 1944. It extended well beyond Pacheco's mandate, with its VI phase in 1959. It was replaced in 1961 by the "New Plan of Constructions".[78] Between 1930 and 1940, the number of primary schools grew from 27,000 to 40,000.
Between Carneiro Pacheco and Veiga Simão (1940–1970)
In 1952, while 81.4% of the children aged 10 to 11 were literate, only 6.3% of them had finished the three years of compulsory education.[72] In this same year, a vast multi-pronged Plan for Popular Education was launched with the intent of reducing adolescent and adult illiteracy and put into school every child of school age.[72] This plan included fines for parents who did not comply, and these were strictly enforced.[79]
In 1956, compulsory education for boys (and girls in 1960) was raised from three to four years.[72]
By the late 1950s, Portugal had succeeded in pulling itself out of the educational abyss in which it had long found itself: illiteracy among children of school age virtually disappeared.[80]
In 1959, the education minister, Leite Pinto, promoted the first conversations between Portugal and OECD, that led to Portugal being included in an OECD project (DEEB, Development and Economy in Educational Building) to help mediterranean countries in 1963.[78]
In 1962, the
In 1964, compulsory education was raised from four to six years.[78]
In 1965, an instructional television program was created (Telescola), filmed in Rádio e Televisão de Portugal's studios in Porto to support isolated rural areas and overcrowded suburban schools.[85]
Veiga Simão Reforms (1970–1974)
In 1970, during the
End of the regime
After
For the Portuguese ruling regime, the centuries-old overseas empire was a matter of
After spending the early years of his priesthood in Africa, the British priest Adrian Hastings created a storm in 1973 with an article in The Times about the "Wiriyamu Massacre"[93] in Mozambique, revealing that the Portuguese Army had massacred some 400 villagers at the village of Wiriyamu, near Tete, in December 1972. His report was printed a week before the Portuguese prime minister, Marcelo Caetano, was due to visit Britain to celebrate the 600th anniversary of the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance. Portugal's growing isolation following Hastings's claims has often been cited as a factor that helped to bring about the "carnation revolution" coup which deposed the Caetano regime in 1974.[94]
The various conflicts forced the Salazar and subsequent Caetano governments to spend more of the country's budget on colonial administration and military expenditures, and Portugal soon found itself increasingly isolated from the rest of the world. After Caetano succeeded to the prime ministership, the colonial war became a major cause of dissent and a focus for anti-government forces in Portuguese society. Many young dissidents, such as left-wing students and anti-war activists, were forced to leave the country so they could escape imprisonment or conscription. However, between 1945 and 1974, there were also three generations of militants of the radical right at the Portuguese universities and schools, guided by a revolutionary nationalism partly influenced by the political sub-culture of European neofascism. The core of the struggle of these radical students lay in an uncompromising defence of the Portuguese Empire in the days of the authoritarian regime.[95]
By the early 1970s, the Portuguese Colonial War continued to rage on, requiring a steadily increasing budget. The Portuguese military was overstretched and there was no political solution or end in sight. While the human losses were relatively small, the war as a whole had already entered its second decade. The Portuguese ruling regime of Estado Novo faced criticism from the international community and was becoming increasingly isolated. It had a profound impact on Portugal – thousands of young men avoided conscription by emigrating illegally, mainly to France and the US.
The war in the colonies was increasingly unpopular in Portugal itself as the people became weary of war and balked at its ever-rising expense. Many ethnic Portuguese of the African overseas territories were also increasingly willing to accept independence if their economic status could be preserved. However, despite the guerrillas' unpredictable and sporadic attacks against targets all over the countryside of the Portuguese African territories, the economies of both Portuguese Angola and Mozambique were booming, cities and towns were expanding and prospering steadily over time, new transportation networks were being opened to link the well-developed and highly urbanized coastal strip with the more remote inland regions, and the number of ethnic European Portuguese migrants from mainland Portugal (the
Suddenly, after some failed attempts of military rebellion, in April 1974 the
Aftermath
After the Estado Novo the country would then experience a turbulent period of provisional governments and a nearly disintegrated state reminiscent of the First Republic, a condition that the Estado Novo had with great care and perseverance attempted to avoid. These provisional governments also briefly censored newspapers and detained oppositionists. Historian
After a period of social unrest, factionalism, and uncertainty in Portuguese politics, between 1974 and 1976, neither far left nor far right radicalism prevailed. However, pro-communist and socialist elements retained control of the country for several months before elections. Álvaro Cunhal's Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) remained Stalinist in outlook and unsympathetic to the sort of reforms that were emerging as "Euro-Communism" in other countries in Western Europe.[102]
The retreat from the colonies and the acceptance of its independence terms which would create newly independent communist states in 1975 (most notably the
For the Portuguese and their former colonies, this was a very difficult period, but many felt that the short-term effects of the Carnation Revolution were well worth the trouble when civil rights and political freedoms were achieved.[
See also
- Jacques Ploncard, a French Petainist, counsellor of Salazar
- Portuguese Legion (Estado Novo)
- Yves Guérin-Sérac
Notes
- ^ Before WWII, Salazar declared: "We are opposed to all forms of Internationalism, Communism, Socialism, Syndicalism and everything that may divide or minimize, or break up the family. We are against class warfare, irreligion, and disloyalty to one's country; against serfdom, a materialistic conception of life, and might over right". Salazar criticized Fascist dictatorship that according to his opinion, was leaning towards pagan Caesarism and towards a new state which recognized no limitations of legal moral order.[5]
- ^ According to a dispatch from the British Embassy in Lisbon of that time: "Generally speaking, this novel constitution is receiving the marked approval which it deserves. It has a certain Fascist quality in its theory of 'corporations', which is a reversion to medieval from the 18th-century doctrines. But this quality, unsuited to our Anglo-Saxon tradition, is not out of place in a country which has hitherto founded its democracy on French philosophy and found it unsuited to the national temperament." The British Embassy also pointed out that Portugal's illiteracy made elections difficult and illusory.[25]
References
- ISBN 978-0-7190-0876-4.
- ^
ISBN 9781483305394. Retrieved 9 September 2020.
[...] fascist Italy [...] developed a state structure known as the corporate state with the ruling party acting as a mediator between 'corporations' making up the body of the nation. Similar designs were quite popular elsewhere in the 1930s. The most prominent examples were Estado Novo in Portugal (1932-1968) and Brazil (1937-1945), the Austrian Standestaat (1933-1938), and authoritarian experiments in Estonia, Romania, and some other countries of East and East-Central Europe,
- S2CID 162411841.
- ^ "Estado Novo - Presidentes da Assembleia Nacional e da Câmara Corporativa" (PDF). Assembleia da República. Archived from the original (PDF) on 28 April 2018. Retrieved 28 April 2018. Alt URL
- ^ a b Kay 1970, p. 68.
- ^ "Portugal não é um país pequeno: superfície do império colonial português comparada com a dos principais países da Europa, Penafiel, [ca 1935] - Biblioteca Nacional Digital". purl.pt. Archived from the original on 14 May 2011.
- TIME (Friday, 6 December 1968) https://content.time.com/time/subscriber/article/0,33009,844638,00.html
- ^ Portugal and European Integration, 1947–1992: an essay on protected openness in the European Periphery, Lucia Coppolaro, Pedro Lains, Brown University (e-journal of Portuguese History (e-JPH), Vol. 11, number 1, Summer 2013) https://www.brown.edu/Departments/Portuguese_Brazilian_Studies/ejph/html/issue21/pdf/v11n1a03.pdf
- ^ ISBN 978-9723310863.
- ISSN 1618-5293. Retrieved 16 January 2018.
- ISBN 978-9400721340. Retrieved 16 January 2018.
- ^ Whitman, Alden (28 July 1970). "Antonio Salazar: A Quiet Autocrat Who Held Power in Portugal for 40 Years". The New York Times. Retrieved 19 January 2018.
- ^ .
- O maior português de sempre (RTP)
- ^ a b História de Portugal. A luta de facções entre os salazaristas Archived 3 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine "Até os americanos já o tinham abandonado, temendo 'recriar o caos que existia em Portugal antes de Salazar tomar o poder'.", from História de Portugal (2009), Rui Ramos, Bernardo de Vasconcelos e Sousa, and Nuno Gonçalo Monteiro, Esfera dos Livros, cited in ionline.pt
- ^ Meneses 2009, p. 162.
- ^ a b Kay 1970, p. 63.
- ^ Wiarda 1977, p. 97.
- ^ a b Wiarda 1977, p. 98.
- ^ Kay 1970, p. 53.
- ^ Gallagher 1990, p. 167.
- ^ a b c Kay 1970, p. 55.
- ^ Wiarda 1977, p. 88.
- ^ a b c Wiarda 1977, p. 100.
- ^ "British Embassy in Lisbon despatch on draft constitution". Contemporary Portuguese History Online. The Contemporary Portuguese History Research Centre. Archived from the original on 18 May 2018. Retrieved 26 September 2015.
- ^ Wiarda 1977, p. 101.
- ^ a b c d e Kay 1970, p. 49.
- ISBN 978-3832956097
- S2CID 144480521.
- ISBN 9789728818623
- ^ In the original "São eleitores da Assembleia Nacional todos os cidadãos portugueses, maiores ou emancipados, que saibam ler e escrever português e não estejam abrangidos por qualquer das incapacidades previstas na lei; e os que, embora não saibam ler nem escrever português tenham já sido alguma vez recenseados ao abrigo da Lei n.º 2015, de 28 de Maio de 1946, desde que satisfaçam os requisitos nela fixados."
- ISBN 978-0-9819336-2-7.
- ^ Wiarda 1977, p. 109.
- ^ Wiarda 1977, p. 132.
- ^ Wiarda 1977, p. 155.
- ^ Robert O. Paxton, "The five stages of fascism". Journal of Modern History 70.1 (1998): 1–23, quotes at pp 3, 17.
- ^ Kay 1970, pp. 50–51.
- ISBN 9780313013348– via Google Books.
- ISBN 9780313013348– via Google Books.
- ISBN 978-989-26-0009-3.
- ^ Douglas L. Wheeler, "The Price of Neutrality: Portugal, the Wolfram Question, and World War II". Luso-Brazilian Review (1986) 23#1 pp 107-127 and 23#2 pp 97-111
- ISSN 1057-1515.
- ^ Ian Dear, and M.R.D. Foot, eds. The Oxford Companion to World War II (1995) pp 910-911.
- ISSN 1057-1515.
- ^ "PORTUGAL IN MOURNING FOR HITLER". The Argus (Melbourne). 4 May 1945.
- ISBN 9780292773059.
- S2CID 143605086.
- ISBN 0-313-24308-5.
- ^ "Eusébio: da Mafalala ao topo do mundo". Eusébio: da Mafalala ao topo do mundo (in Portuguese). 9 July 2015. Retrieved 21 April 2024.
- ^ "Portugal > History and Events > Date Table > Second Republic". www.portugal-info.net.
- ^ "History". HowStuffWorks. 27 February 2008. Archived from the original on 23 February 2010.
- ISBN 9780313385353.
- ^ "Portuguese Rebels Hijack Airliner; Scatter Leaflets". Madera Tribune (California Digital Newspaper Collection). 10 November 1961. Retrieved 21 February 2021.
- ^ "Dos Combatentes do Ultramar". Archived from the original on 6 April 2009. Retrieved 6 November 2009.
- ISBN 9780230337831.
- ^ Rosas, Fernando, Fernando Martins, Luciano do Amaral, Maria Fernanda Rollo, and José Mattoso. O Estado Novo (1926-1974). Estampa, 1998.
- ^ Wiarda 1977, p. 94.
- ^ "Portugal: The War Has Made It Europe's Front Door". Life. 29 July 1940. Retrieved 30 April 2015.
- ^ "André Ventura: "Salazar atrasou-nos muitíssimo"". www.sabado.pt (in European Portuguese). Retrieved 18 June 2023.
- ISBN 9780801851582– via Internet Archive.
Financial crisis 1974 Portugal.
- ^ (in Portuguese) Fundação da SEDES – As primeiras motivações Archived 19 March 2012 at the Wayback Machine, "Nos anos 60 e até 1973 teve lugar, provavelmente, o mais rápido período de crescimento económico da nossa História, traduzido na industrialização, na expansão do turismo, no comércio com a EFTA, no desenvolvimento dos sectores financeiros, investimento estrangeiro e grandes projectos de infra-estruturas. Em consequência, os indicadores de rendimentos e consumo acompanham essa evolução, reforçados ainda pelas remessas de emigrantes". SEDES
- Universidade de Aveiro.
- ^ Parecer sôbre a proposta de lei n.º 172 (Condicionamento industrial), Assembleia da República https://debates.parlamento.pt/catalogo/r2/dan/01/01/03/118S3/1937-02-18?sft=true#p7
- ^ Viseu, Albano Augusto Veiga. "Memórias do Complexo Agro-Industrial do Cachão (Mirandela)".
{{cite journal}}
: Cite journal requires|journal=
(help) - ^ Angola no outro lado do tempo, Angola - O Outro Lado do Tempo https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=33x7u7Ijm7Y&list=PLZWwV_k3xAIaium0MhHB-6bhu9BX2OP8S&t=1s
- ^ Do outro lado do tempo: Moçambique antes de 1975 VERSÂO COMPLETA https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=igQEvBShfu0&t=0s
- ^ (in Portuguese) A verdade sobre o Fundo do Ultramar Archived 11 May 2013 at the Wayback Machine, Diário de Notícias (29 November 2012)
- ^ (in Portuguese) Movimento das Forças Armadas (MFA). In Infopédia [Em linha]. Porto: Porto Editora, 2003–2009. [Consult. 7 January 2009]. Disponível na www: URL: http://www.infopedia.pt/$movimento-das-forcas-armadas-(mfa[permanent dead link]).
- ^ Movimento das Forças Armadas (1974–1975), Projecto CRiPE- Centro de Estudos em Relações Internacionais, Ciência Política e Estratégia. © José Adelino Maltez. Cópias autorizadas, desde que indicada a origem. Última revisão em: 2 October 2008
- youtube.com.
- ^ João Bravo da Matta, A Guerra do Ultramar, O Diabo, 14 October 2008, pp.22
- ^ ISSN 1676-2584.
- ^ "Constituição de 1933" (PDF).
- ^ ISSN 1645-7250.
- ^ "António Faria Carneiro Pacheco, nota biográfica" (PDF). Parlamento.pt.
- ^ a b c d Lei n.º 1941, de 11 de Abril de 1936[circular reference]
- ^ PORTUGAL; Secretaria-Geral do Ministério da Educação. Reformas do Ensino em Portugal: 1835-1869, Tomo I, Volume I. Lisboa, Secretaria-Geral do Ministério da Educação, 1989.
- ^ hdl:10437/1319.
- ^ Palma & Reis 2018, p. 17.
- ISSN 0870-8231. Archived from the originalon 12 May 2014. Retrieved 10 May 2014.
- ^ "Decreto-lei 44530".
- ^ "Cidade Universitária de Lisboa". monumentos.gov.pt.
- ^ Constantino, Susana. (2018). Coimbra e o valor identitário da retórica do Estado Novo. Dearq Revista de Arquitectura / Journal of Architecture. 64-75. 10.18389/dearq21.2017.06. A Cidade Universitária de Coimbra (1943-1975) foi a mais longa obra de promoção do Estado Novo, construída a partir de uma enorme operação de demolição do tecido urbano existente, impondo uma escala e linguagem monumental sobre um território criado quase de raiz. Apesar da ausência de espaços de representação coletiva, o novo conjunto monumental acabou por ser aceite, anos mais tarde, como símbolo identitário da cidade. Este artigo pretende explorar a ambivalência entre os aspectos políticos e disciplinares da construção da Cidade Universitária de Coimbra, expressão evidente de uma retórica de poder e o seu reinvestimento simbólico para a cidade.
- .
- ^ Infopédia. "Telescola - Infopédia". Infopédia - Dicionários Porto Editora (in Portuguese). Retrieved 21 June 2020.
- ^ JSTOR 41010430.
- ^ "Decreto-Lei n.º 307/71".
- ^ "Lei nº 5 / 73".
- ^ "A reforma do ministro "subversivo"". Jornal Expresso (in European Portuguese). Retrieved 15 June 2020.
- ^ "Decreto de Lei 402/73".
- ^ "Flags of the World". Fotw.net. Archived from the original on 8 April 2014. Retrieved 17 July 2011.
- ^ P S Lele, Dadra and Nagar Haveli: past and present, Published by Usha P. Lele, 1987,
- ^ Gomes, Carlos de Matos, Afonso, Aniceto. OS anos da Guerra Colonial - Wiriyamu, De Moçambique para o mundo. Lisboa, 2010
- ^ Adrian Hastings, The Telegraph (26 June 2001)
- JSTOR 41012652. Archived from the original(PDF) on 3 March 2009. Retrieved 3 March 2009.
- ^ (in Portuguese) Testemunhos Archived 24 January 2011 at the Wayback Machine, Observatório da Emigração
- ^ (in Portuguese) Cronologia: Movimento dos capitães, Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, University of Coimbra
- ^ (in Portuguese) Arquivo Electrónico: Otelo Saraiva de Carvalho, Centro de Documentação 25 de Abril, University of Coimbra
- ^ "Died. Marcello Caetano". Time. 10 November 1980. Archived from the original on 1 October 2007.
- ^ Maxwell, Kenneth (1986) 'Regime Overthrow and the Prospects for Democratic Transition in Portugal' in Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Prospects for Democracy, ed. Guillermo O’Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter, and Laurence Whitehead (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins), p. 113
- ^ Govan, Fiona (2008). "Gen Franco wanted to declare war on Portugal". The Telegraph. Madrid. Archived from the original on 12 January 2022. Retrieved 28 April 2015.
- ISBN 9781412822961.
- ^ Flight from Angola, The Economist (16 August 1975).
- ^ "Dismantling the Portuguese Empire". Time. 7 July 1975.
- ^ "Portugal: Fast Facts". "IMF.org". 3 April 2020.
- ^ (in Portuguese) «Se soubesse como o País ia ficar, não fazia a revolução», Diário de Notícias (13 April 2011)
- ^ (in Portuguese) "Otelo: precisamos de um homem honesto como Salazar", in Diário de Notícias (21 April 2011)
Sources
- de Carvalho, Rita Almeida (17 October 2018). "Ideology and Architecture in the Portuguese 'Estado Novo': Cultural Innovation within a Para-Fascist State (1932–1945)". Fascism. 7 (2): 141–174. ISSN 2211-6257.
- Derrick, Michael; Stove, R.J. (1938). The Portugal of Salazar. New York: Campion Books, Ltd.
- Gallagher, Tom (1983). Portugal: A Twentieth-century Interpretation. Manchester University Press. pp. 60, 99. ISBN 978-0719008764.
- Gallagher, Tom (1990). "Chapter 9: Conservatism, dictatorship and fascism in Portugal, 1914–45". In Blinkhorn, Martin (ed.). Fascists and Conservatives. Routledge. pp. 157–173. ISBN 004940086X.
- Kay, Hugh (1970). Salazar and Modern Portugal. New York: Hawthorn Books.
- Leite, Joaquim da Costa (1998). "Neutrality by Agreement: Portugal and the British Alliance in World War II". American University International Law Review. 14 (1): 185–199. Retrieved 19 March 2014.
- Meneses, Filipe (2009). Salazar: A Political Biography. Enigma Books. p. 544. ISBN 978-1929631902.
- Paxton, Robert O. (2004). The Anatomy of Fascism. Alfred A. Knopf.
- Palma, Nuno; Reis, Jaime (2018). "A tale of two regimes: Educational Achievement and Institutions in Portugal, 1910–1950". CEPR Centre for Economic Policy Research. p. 4. S2CID 131028377.
- Wheeler, Douglas L. (1983). "In the Service of Order: The Portuguese Political Police and the British, German and Spanish Intelligence, 1932–1945". Journal of Contemporary History. 18 (1): 1–25. S2CID 153719176.
- ISBN 978-0870232213.
Further reading
- Baklanoff, Eric N. (1992). "The Political Economy of Portugal's Later "Estado Novo": A Critique of the Stagnation Thesis". Luso-Brazilian Review. 29 (1): 1–17. JSTOR 3513163.
- Graham, Lawrence S., and Harry M. Makler. Contemporary Portugal: the revolution and its antecedents (U of Texas Press, 1979)
- Hamann, Kerstin; Christopher Manuel, Paul (1999). "Regime changes and civil society in twentieth-century Portugal". South European Society and Politics. 4 (1): 71–96. .
- De Meneses, Filipe Ribeiro (2009). Salazar: A Political Biography. ISBN 978-6-612-74759-5.
- Payne, Stanley G. A History of Spain and Portugal (2 vol 1973) full text online vol 2 after 1700; standard scholarly history; chapter 27, pp. 663–683
- Pimentel, Irene (2002). "Women's Organizations and Imperial Ideology under the Estado Novo". Portuguese Studies. 18: 121–131. S2CID 245843740.
- Pitcher, M. Anne. Politics in the Portuguese Empire: the State, industry, and cotton, 1926–1974 (Oxford University Press, 1993)
- Sardica, José Miguel (Summer 2011). "The Memory of the Portuguese First Republic throughout the Twentieth Century" (PDF). e-Journal of Portuguese History'. 9 (1): 1–27. ISSN 1645-6432.
- Stoer, Stephen R.; Dale, Roger (1987). "Education, State, and Society in Portugal, 1926–1981". Comparative Education Review. 31 (3): 400–418. S2CID 143456417.
- West, S. George (1938). "The Present Situation in Portugal". International Affairs. 17 (2): 211–232. JSTOR 2602248.