Portuguese Communist Party
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|
Portuguese Communist Party Partido Comunista Português | |
---|---|
Political position | Left-wing to far-left |
National affiliation | Unitary Democratic Coalition |
International affiliation | IMCWP |
European Parliament group | The Left in the European Parliament – GUE/NGL[7] |
Colours | Red |
Slogan | "For Freedom, Democracy, and Socialism. The Future has a Party!"[8] |
Anthem | "The Internationale"[9][10] |
Assembly of the Republic | 4 / 230
|
European Parliament | 2 / 21
|
Regional Parliaments | 0 / 104
|
Local government (Mayors) | 18 / 308
|
Local government (Parishes) | 112 / 3,066
|
Party flag | |
Website | |
www.pcp.pt | |
The Portuguese Communist Party (
The party was founded in 1921, establishing contacts with the
After the end of the dictatorship, the party became a major political force in the new democratic government. One of its goals, according to the party is to maintain its "vanguard role in the service of the class interests of the workers".[19][20] Currently, the PCP is the joint sixth largest in the Portuguese Assembly of the Republic, where it holds 4 of the 230 assembly seats.[21]
The party publishes the weekly Avante!, founded in 1931. Its youth organization is the Portuguese Communist Youth, a member of the World Federation of Democratic Youth.
History
Origins
At the end of
In September 1919, the working-class movement founded the first Portuguese Labour Union Confederation, the
After some time, members of the FMP began to feel the need for a "revolutionary vanguard" among Portuguese workers. After several meetings at various
Unlike virtually all other European communist parties, the PCP was not formed after a split of a social democratic or socialist party, but from the ranks of
The first congress of the party took place in Lisbon in November 1923, with
Outlawed
After the
Meanwhile, in 1938, the PCP had been expelled from the Comintern. The reason for the expulsion was a sense of distrust in the Comintern caused by a sudden breakdown in the party's activity after a period of strong communist tumult in the country, accusations of alleged embezzlement of money carried out by some important members of the party and, mainly, the weak internal structure of the party, dominated by internal wars. The action against the PCP, signed by Georgi Dimitrov, was in part taken due to some persecution against Comintern member parties or persons (like the Communist Party of Poland or Béla Kun) led by Joseph Stalin. These series of events would, in part, lead to the end of the Comintern in 1943. The PCP would only re-establish its relations with the communist movement and the Soviet Union in 1947, after sporadic contacts made through the communist parties of Spain and France and later through Mikhail Suslov.[25]
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After the 1933 rise of
In 1945, with the defeat of the major fascist regimes in World War II, Salazar was forced to fake some democratic changes to keep up a good image in the eyes of the West, so in October of that year, the democratic resistance was authorized to form a platform, which was named Movement of Democratic Unity (Portuguese: Movimento de Unidade Democrática, or MUD). Initially, the MUD was controlled by the moderate opposition, but it soon became strongly influenced by the PCP, which controlled its youth wing.[27] In the leadership of the youth wing were several communists, among them Octávio Pato, Salgado Zenha, Mário Soares, Júlio Pomar, and Mário Sacramento.[28] This influence led to the MUD being outlawed by the government in 1948, after several waves of suppression.
The fourth congress, held in July 1946, pointed to massive popular struggle as the only way to overthrow the regime, and stated the policies that would help the party leaders that same popular movement. This, along with the consolidation of the clandestine work, was the main conclusion of the congress. A brief report of the conclusions of this congress were published by the Central Committee of the
In January 1960, a group of ten PCP members managed to escape from the high-security prison in Peniche.[18] The escape returned to freedom many of the leading figures of the Party, among them, Álvaro Cunhal, who would be elected in the following year the first secretary-general in nineteen years. Among the escapees was also Jaime Serra, who would help to organize a secret commando group, the Armed Revolutionary Action (Portuguese: Acção Revolucionária Armada or ARA). The ARA was the armed branch of the PCP that would be responsible in the 1970s for some military action against the dictatorial regime.
In 1961, the Colonial War in Africa began - first in Angola, and in the next year in Mozambique and Guinea-Bissau. The war lasted thirteen years and devastated Portuguese society, forcing many thousands of Portuguese citizens to leave the country, both to seek a better future in countries like France, Germany, or Switzerland and to escape conscription. The PCP, which had been involved in the formation of the nationalist guerrilla movements, along with the Soviet Union, immediately stated its opposition to the war, and its support for the anti-colonial movements. The war prompted unrest in Portuguese society and helped lead to the decline of the Salazar regime.[29] In 1962, the Academic Crisis occurred. The Salazar regime, fearing the growing popularity of democratic ideas among students, made several student associations and organizations illegal, including the National Secretariat of Portuguese Students. Most members of this organization were intellectual communist militants who were persecuted and forbidden to continue their university studies.[30] With assistance from the PCP, the students responded with demonstrations that culminated on 24 March with a large student demonstration in Lisbon. The demonstration was brutally suppressed by the police, leading to hundreds of injuries among the protesters.[31] Immediately thereafter, the students began a strike against the regime.
In the sixth congress, in 1965, Álvaro Cunhal, elected secretary-general in 1961, released the report, The Path to Victory—The Tasks of the Party in the National and Democratic Revolution, written while he was in exile in Moscow in collaboration with Margarida Tengarrinha,[32] which became a document of major influence in the democratic movement. Widely distributed among the clandestine members, it contained eight political goals, such as "the end of the monopolies in the economy", "the need for agrarian reform and redistribution of the land", and "the democratization of access to culture and education" — policies that the Party considered essential to make Portugal a fully democratic country. Nine years later, on 25 April 1974, the Carnation Revolution occurred, putting an end to 48 years of resistance and marking the beginning of a new cycle in the party's life.
Carnation Revolution
Immediately after the revolution, basic democratic rights were re-established in Portugal. On 27 April, political prisoners were freed. On 30 April, Álvaro Cunhal returned to Lisbon, where he was received by thousands of people. May Day was commemorated for the first time in 48 years, and an estimated half million people gathered in the FNAT Stadium (now 1 May Stadium) in Lisbon to hear speeches by Cunhal and the socialist Mário Soares.[33] On 17 May, the party's newspaper, Avante!, produced the first legal issue in its history.
The following months were marked by radical changes in the country, always closely followed and supported by PCP. A stormy process to give independence to the colonies started with the full support of the party and, within a year, Guinea-Bissau, Angola, Mozambique, Cape Verde, and São Tomé and Príncipe became independent countries.
Six months after the Carnation Revolution, on 20 October 1974, the party's seventh congress took place. More than a thousand delegates and hundreds of Portuguese and foreign guests attended. The congress set forth important statements that discussed the ongoing revolution in the country. The 36 members of the elected central committee had in the aggregate experienced more than 300 years in jail.[34] On 26 December 1974, the PCP became the first legally recognized party.[1]
The revolutionary process continued. On 11 March 1975, the left-wing military forces defeated a coup attempt by rightists in the military.
One year after the revolution, the first democratic elections took place to elect the parliament that would write a new constitution to replace the constitution of 1933. The party achieved 12.52% of the vote and elected 30 members of parliament. In the end, as the party wanted, the constitution included several references to "socialism" and a "classless society" and was approved with the opposition of only one party, the right-wing Democratic and Social Centre (Portuguese: Centro Democrático Social or CDS).
In 1976, after the approval of the constitution, the second democratic election was carried out and the PCP raised its share of the vote to 14.56% and 40 seats. In the same year, the first
In 1979, the party held its ninth congress, which analysed the state of post-revolutionary Portugal, right-wing politics, and the party's struggles to nationalize the economy. In December 1979, new elections took place. The party formed the
In 1986, the surprising rise of
Fall of the Socialist Bloc
In 1988, the PCP held another congress, the twelfth, in which more than 2000 delegates participated and which put forth a new program entitled Portugal, an Advanced Democracy for the 21st Century.
At the end of the 1980s, the
In the legislative election of 1991, the party won 8.84% of the national vote and 17 seats, continuing its electoral decline.
The fourteenth congress took place in 1992, and Carlos Carvalhas was elected the new secretary-general, replacing Álvaro Cunhal. The congress analysed the new international situation created by the disappearance of the Soviet Union and the defeat of socialism in Eastern Europe. The party also traced the guidelines intended to put Cavaco Silva and the right-wing government on its way out, a fact that would happen shortly after. In 1995, the right-wing Social Democratic Party was replaced in the government by the Socialist Party after the October legislative election, in which the PCP received 8.61% of the votes.
In December 1996, the fifteenth congress was held, this time in Porto, with more than 1600 delegates participating. The congress criticized the right-wing policies of the socialist government of António Guterres, and debated the future of the PCP following the debacle of the Socialist Bloc. In the subsequent local elections, the party continued to decline, but in the legislative election of 1999, the party increased its voting percentage for the first time in many years. The sixteenth congress was held in December 2000, and Carlos Carvalhas was re-elected secretary-general. In the legislative election of 2002, the PCP achieved its lowest voting result ever, with only 7.0% of the vote.
In November 2004, the seventeenth party congress elected Jerónimo de Sousa, a former metal worker, as the new secretary-general.
In the legislative election of February 2005, the Party increased its share of the vote, and won 12 of the 230 seats in parliament, receiving about 430,000 votes (7.60%).
After the 2005 local election, in which the PCP regained the presidency of 7 municipalities, the party holds the leadership of 32 (of 308) municipalities, most of them in
The PCP's work now follows the program of an "Advanced Democracy for the 21st Century". Issues like the decriminalization of
The party has three members elected to the
Since the 2015 legislative election, the party supports the government headed by António Costa, together with the Left Bloc and the Greens. However, the PCP has been historically critical of the Socialist Party.
In 2017, the party, alongside the Portuguese Socialist Party, the social-democratic PSD, BE and the ecologist party PEV, voted in favour of abolishing party fundraising limits, thereby opening all portuguese parties to private political donorship, with no obligation to disclose the donations source.[36][37][38][39] The new proposal was reluctantly approved by the Portuguese president Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa.[40]
After the
Reaction to the 2022 invasion of Ukraine
Since the beginning of the
On 24 February (the first day of the invasion), the party refused to condemn Russia, upon being explicitly invited to do so by Foreign Affairs Minister Augusto Santos Silva (Socialist Party) in a parliamentary debate. The communists stated that the conflict was "more profound" than "a problem between Russians and Ukrainians", and instead blamed the United States, accusing them of being "the party that is truly interested in having a new war in Europe" and of "promoting" it in order to "turn attentions away from internal problems" and to "ensure a large-scale sale of weapons".[43]
On 1 March, the two Communist Party members of the European Parliament voted against a resolution condemning the invasion. The party said the resolution was "fuelling the escalation", "seeking to impose a unilateral view" and "justifying the colossal process of increasing military expenditures, the strengthening and expansion of NATO and the militarisation of the EU". The document was approved with more than 600 votes in favour, 13 against and 26 abstentions.[44]
On 8 March, the PCP's leader Jerónimo de Sousa blamed all entities involved in the war (Russia included, although referring to its actions by the Kremlin's language of a "military operation"). He stated the party condemned "the whole process of meddling and of confrontation which took place [in Ukraine], the US-promoted coup d'état in 2014, Russia's recent military intervention and the intensification of the bellicose escalation made by the US, NATO and the EU".[45]
On 20 April, the PCP announced that it would not attend the Parliament's solemn session where President of Ukraine
On 23 April, questioned by a journalist as to whether he considered that there was an invasion going on, party leader Jerónimo de Sousa replied: "There was a military operation which we have condemned." Following the journalist's insistence on the question, he rejected using the word 'invasion' and instead hesitantly responded: "At least, from the images we have... from the images we have, there is a conflict, there is a war. That is unavoidable and must be recognised."[47] The word 'invasion' would later be used officially by new secretary-general Paulo Raimundo,[48] following similar statements from fellow MPs.[49][50]
Electoral results
Since 1975
Vote share in the Portuguese elections since 1975
Results since 1975 (year links to election page) | ||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Year | Coalition | Type of Election | Votes | % | Mandates | |||
1975 | none
|
Constituent Assembly
|
711,935
|
12.5%
|
30 / 250
| |||
1976 | none
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
788,830
|
14.4%
|
40 / 263
| |||
1976 | FEPU
|
Local
|
720,499
|
17.3%
|
268 / 1,908
| |||
1979 | APU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
1,129,322
|
18.8%
|
44 / 250
| |||
1979 | APU
|
Local
|
885,899
|
19.9%
|
316 / 1,900
| |||
1980 | APU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
1,009,505
|
16.8%
|
39 / 250
| |||
1982 | APU
|
Local
|
1,038,033
|
20.9%
|
316 / 1,909
| |||
1983 | APU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
1,031,609
|
18.1%
|
41 / 250
| |||
1985 | APU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
898,281
|
15.5%
|
35 / 250
| |||
1985 | APU
|
Local
|
935,897
|
19.6%
|
303 / 1,975
| |||
1987 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
689,137
|
12.1%
|
29 / 250
| |||
1987 | CDU
|
European Parliament
|
648,700
|
11.5%
|
3 / 24
| |||
1989 | CDU
|
European Parliament
|
597,759
|
14.4%
|
3 / 24
| |||
1989 | CDU
|
Local
|
656,719
|
13.3%
|
258 / 2,002
| |||
1991 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
504,583
|
8.8%
|
15 / 230
| |||
1993 | CDU
|
Local
|
689,923
|
12.8%
|
246 / 2,015
| |||
1994 | CDU
|
European Parliament
|
340,725
|
11.2%
|
3 / 25
| |||
1995 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
506,157
|
8.6%
|
13 / 230
| |||
1997 | CDU
|
Local
|
643,956
|
12.0%
|
236 / 2,021
| |||
1999 | CDU
|
European Parliament
|
357,671
|
10.3%
|
2 / 25
| |||
1999 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
487,058
|
9.0%
|
15 / 230
| |||
2001 | CDU
|
Local
|
557,481
|
10.6%
|
199 / 2,044
| |||
2002 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
379,870
|
6.9%
|
10 / 230
| |||
2004 | CDU
|
European Parliament
|
309,401
|
9.1%
|
2 / 24
| |||
2005 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
433,369
|
7.5%
|
12 / 230
| |||
2005 | CDU
|
Local
|
589,384
|
10.9%
|
203 / 2,046
| |||
2009 | CDU
|
European Parliament
|
379,787
|
10.6%
|
2 / 22
| |||
2009 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
446,279
|
7.9%
|
13 / 230
| |||
2009 | CDU
|
Local
|
537,329
|
9.7%
|
174 / 2,078
| |||
2011 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
441,147
|
7.9%
|
14 / 230
| |||
2013 | CDU
|
Local
|
552,690
|
11.1%
|
213 / 2,086
| |||
2014 | CDU
|
European Parliament
|
416,925
|
12.7%
|
3 / 21
| |||
2015 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
445,901
|
8.3%
|
15 / 230
| |||
2017 | CDU
|
Local
|
489,189
|
9.5%
|
171 / 2,074
| |||
2019 | CDU
|
European Parliament
|
228,156
|
6.9%
|
2 / 21
| |||
2019 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
332,018
|
6.3%
|
10 / 230
| |||
2021 | CDU
|
Local
|
410,666
|
8.2%
|
148 / 2,064
| |||
2022 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
238,920
|
4.3%
|
6 / 230
| |||
2024 | CDU
|
Portuguese Parliament
|
205,551
|
3.2%
|
4 / 230
|
(source: Portuguese Electoral Commission Archived 8 April 2005 at the Wayback Machine)
Note:
- In 2004, after the enlargement of the European Union, the number of MEPs elected by Portugal decreased from the original 25 to 24.
- The Local election results report the voting for the Parish Assembliesis usually higher (11.7% and 12.0%, respectively, in 2005).
- The number of mandates denotes the number of councillors in Local elections, MPs in Parliamentary elections and MEPs in European Parliament elections.
- The ID
Presidential elections
Election year | Candidate | 1st round | 2nd round | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
# of overall votes |
% of overall vote |
# of overall votes |
% of overall vote | ||
1976 | Octávio Pato
|
365,344 | 7.6 (#4) | ||
1980 | Carlos Alfredo de Brito
|
withdrew | |||
1986 | Francisco Salgado Zenha
|
1,185,867 | 20.6 (#3) | ||
1991 | Carlos Carvalhas
|
635,867 | 12.9 (#3) | ||
1996 | Jerónimo de Sousa
|
withdrew | |||
2001 | António Simões de Abreu
|
221,886 | 5.1 (#3) | ||
2006 | Jerónimo de Sousa
|
466,428 | 8.6 (#4) | ||
2011 | Francisco Lopes | 300,921 | 7.1 (#4) | ||
2016 | Edgar Silva | 183,051 | 3.9 (#5) | ||
2021 | João Ferreira
|
180,518 | 4.3 (#4) |
(source: Portuguese Electoral Commission Archived 8 April 2005 at the Wayback Machine)
Notes:
- In 1980, Carlos Brito withdrew in favour of Ramalho Eanes, won.
- In 1986, the Party's first candidate was Ângelo Veloso, that later withdrew in favour of Salgado Zenha, lost.
- In 1986, in the second round, the Party supported Mário Soares, won.
- In 1996, Jerónimo de Sousa withdrew in favour of Jorge Sampaio, won.
Organization
Principles
The PCP's statutes define the party as the
The PCP organizes in its ranks industrial and office workers, small and medium farmers, intellectuals and technical workers, small and medium shopkeepers, and industrialists, who fight for democracy and for socialism. The party considers itself the legitimate pursuer of the Portuguese people's best traditions of struggle and of their progressive and revolutionary achievements throughout their history.
The PCP upholds Marxism–Leninism as its theoretical basis,[51] which is a materialist and dialectical conception of the world and a scientific tool of social analysis. These principles guide the party's action and enable it to systematically answer new challenges and realities. The party also orients its members and its activity in the spirit of proletarian internationalism, of cooperation between the communist parties and revolutionary and progressive forces, and of solidarity with the workers of other countries.[13]
Aside from upholding Marxism–Leninism and maintaining its "proletarian vanguard role", its goals, according to the party are:
- to bring about the process of social transformation and the defeat of capitalism through revolutionary means,[19][20]
- to uphold dialectical and historical materialism as an "instrument of analysis and guide for action",
- the rupture with right-wing policies,
- the realization of a patriotic and left-wing alternative, and
- the realization of an "Advanced Democracy" with the values of the
Secretaries-General
- José Carlos Rates (1921–1929)
- Bento António Gonçalves (1929–1942)
- period with no secretary-general (1942–1961)
- Álvaro Cunhal (1961–1992)
- Carlos Carvalhas (1992–2004)
- Jerónimo de Sousa (2004–2022)
- Paulo Raimundo (2022–present)
Internal organization
The main principle that guides the party's internal structure, being a
- all party organs, from top to bottom, are elected and may be dismissed by those who elected them, if needed;
- the members who have tasks in any structure of the party are responsible to both lower and upper levels, being obliged to report the activities to both and to give consideration to their opinions and criticisms;
- lower-level structures must respect the decisions of the upper structures;
- every member is free to give his opinion during the discussion, and the structures must take in account the contribution of every member;
- every member must obey the decisions achieved by consensus or by a majority;
- every member must work along with his own structure; and
- the party does not recognize the existence of organized factions inside it.
The structure and internal organization of the PCP are defined by its statutes. The most recent statutes were approved in the seventeenth congress, held in 2004. The upper organs of the PCP at the national level are the congress, the central committee, and the central commission of control.
The supreme organ of the party is its congress, which is summoned by the outgoing central committee and held every four years. The congress is composed of delegates elected by the respective lower organs proportional to each organ's membership size. The congress approves its
The main organ between the congresses is the central committee, which is elected in the congresses under a proposal of the retiring central committee. This proposal may only be made after a long period of hearing the lower structures in order to include in it the names they propose. The CC may not change the orientation present in the congress' theses. The main task of the central committee is to define the guidelines of the party's political work and decide the immediate tasks of the party, assuring that the lower structures comply with those decisions. The CC elects, from its members, its
The intermediate organs of the Party are, by rule, the organs that coordinate an organization of district, municipality, and parish levels, but organizations at a neighbourhood or professional class level also exist. The main organ of an intermediate part of the party's structure is the Assembly. The Assembly works as a small Congress for the organization members. The Assembly elects the regional or municipal committees, which are responsible for applying the theses of the Assembly to the organization's work.
The base level organ of the Party is the cell. The cell is defined as being the link between the party and the working class and the masses. A cell is composed of a minimum of three Party members and exists at a work place or neighborhood level. The cell may elect its own secretariat, which has the responsibility of discussing and putting into practice the Party's guidelines. The cell must ensure the recruitment of new members, promote the reading of Avante! and the other publications, ensure that the members pay their membership fees and keep the upper structures aware of the cell's political work.[13]
Media
The Portuguese Communist Party publishes the weekly
Avante! was illegally printed and distributed from February 1931 until May 1974.
During the campaign for the
Usually, the party's largest political campaigns and struggles are supported by the distribution of a massive number of leaflets and advertising posters in hot spots like train stations, factories, universities, main streets, and avenues or markets. The free television spots that the Portuguese law grants to the parties, either in the campaign time or out of it, are used by PCP to promote initiatives and political campaigns.
The party also owns a publishing company, Edições Avante! (Avante! Editions), that publishes and sells several books related to the party's history or to Marxism. Classics of Marxism–Leninism, such as
Youth organization
The youth organization of PCP is the
The youth wing follows a structure similar to the Party's, also based on the Leninist principle of democratic centralism, and both organizations maintain a cooperative relationship. JCP is, however, an independent organization.
Mainly composed by students and some working-class young people, the Portuguese Communist Youth has, as its main political concerns, such issues as the promotion of a free and public education for all ages, employment, peace, and housing. It also promotes international solidarity brigades for countries like
Avante! Festival
Every year, in the first weekend of September, the party holds a festival called the
The festival attracts hundreds of thousands of visitors. The events themselves consist of a three-day festival of music, with hundreds of Portuguese and international bands and artists across five different stages, ethnography, gastronomy, debates, a books and music fair, theatre (Avanteatro), cinema (Cineavante) and sporting events. Several foreign communist parties also participate.[55]
Famous artists,
The preparation of the party begins right after the end of the previous festival. Hundreds of the Party's members and friends, mostly young people, volunteer.
See also
- Politics of Portugal
- List of political parties in Portugal
- Carnation Revolution
- Unitary Democratic Coalition
- Avante!
- Armed Revolutionary Action
Footnotes
- ^ Tribunal Constitucional. (in Portuguese)
- ^ "PCP tem menos 4320 militantes do que em 2016". PÚBLICO. 24 September 2020.
- .
- S2CID 257096043.
- ^ Godinho, Luísa (2019). "The local construction of Euroscepticism: a downsian approach to the positioning of the Portuguese Communist Party vis-à-vis the European project". Centro de Estudos Internacionais (CEI-ISCTE).
- ^ Santos Botelho, Catarina (2019). "European Elections: The Silence of the Lambs and the Dangerous Political Resignation – The Portuguese Perspective". Brexit Institute (Dublin City University).
- ^ "Partido Comunista Português - GUE/NGL - Another Europe is possible". GUE/NGL. Archived from the original on 11 February 2017. Retrieved 17 February 2016.
- ^ "Comício do 99.º aniversário do PCP". 6 March 2020. Archived from the original on 28 September 2020.
- ^ "PCP - Programa e Estatutos" (PDF). Partido Comunista Portugues. Edições Avante. p. 115. Retrieved 30 November 2019.
- ^ Partido Comunista Português. "Portuguese Communist Party: Programme and Constitution" (PDF). PCP. edições avante. p. 58. Retrieved 29 November 2019.
- ^ a b Nordsieck, Wolfram (2019). "Portugal". Parties and Elections in Europe. Retrieved 8 October 2019.
- ^ Freire, André (2006). "The Party System of Portugal". Die Parteiensysteme Westeuropas. VS Verlag: 376.
- ^ ISBN 972-550-307-4
- ^ "Portugal's Socialists lead election poll, but would not win majority". Reuters. 31 July 2019.
When the Socialists came to power in 2015, they won the parliamentary support of two left wing parties, the Left Bloc and the Communists.
- ^ "Portugal president asks Socialist Costa to form government". Reuters. 8 October 2019.
- ^ Madeira 2011, p. 48.
- ^ Madeira 2011, pp. 51–52.
- ^ ISBN 972-550-262-0
- ^ a b Working-class party and all workers: the role of the PCP in strengthening the organization, unity and struggle of the workers at pcp.pt. https://web.archive.org/web/20201028205209/http://www.pcp.pt/partit-of-the-class-operate-of-all-workers--paper-of-the-pcp-no-reforco-organization-unity Filed] in Wayback Machine
- ^ a b "Ficará para história a reposição de direitos que se julgavam perdidos" in Notícias ao Minuto. Archived in Wayback Machine
- ^ "Results of the 2022 elections". Ministério da Administração Interna. 9 February 2022.
- ^ a b c d Como nasceu o Partido Comunista Português, Portuguese Communist Party, URL accessed 20 June 2006
- ^ Vasconcelos, José Carlos de (dir.). (1982) Revista História (History Magazine) - Number 47
- ^ Rosas, Fernando (dir.) (1996). Revista História (History Magazine) - Number 17 (New Series)
- ^ a b Rosas, Fernando (dir.) (1997). Revista História (History Magazine) - Number 28 (New Series)
- ISBN 972-550-232-9
- ^ "The relation between the PCP and the MUD explained". Archived from the original on 22 June 2006. Retrieved 30 December 2005.
- ^ Rosas, Fernando (dir.) (1995). Revista História (History Magazine) - Number 8 (New Series)
- ^ "Guerra Colonial Portuguesa". Archived from the original on 12 March 2015. Retrieved 24 February 2015.
- ^ "Crise Académica - 1962-2002". Retrieved 24 February 2015.
- ^ "A Crise Académica de 1962". Archived from the original on 21 October 2006. Retrieved 24 February 2015.
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Bibliography
Academic sources
Madeira, João (2011). "O Partido Comunista Português e a Guerra Fria: "sectarismo", "desvio de direita", "Rumo à vitória" (1949-1965)" (PDF). NOVA University Lisbon. Archived (PDF) from the original on 28 August 2020.
Further reading
- Carlos Cunha, "Nationalist or Internationalist? The Portuguese Communist Party's Autonomy and the Communist International", in Tim Rees and Andrew Thorpe (eds.), International Communism and the Communist International, 1919-1943. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1998.
- Carlos Cunha, The Portuguese Communist Party's Strategy for Power, 1921-1986. New York: Garland Publishing, 1992.
- J.G.P. Quintela, Para a História do Movimento Comunista em Portugal: 1. A Construção do Partido (Primeiro Periodo 1919-1929). [Towards a History of the Communist Movement in Portugal: 1. Construction of the Party (First Period, 1919-1929).] Oporto: Afrontamento, 1976.
External links
In Portuguese:
- Portuguese Communist Party official web site
- Portuguese Communist Youth official web site
- Avante Festival! official website
- Avante! newspaper online edition
- PCP's short biography by the Carnation Revolution archive centre
In English: