Romanian Communist Party
Romanian Communist Party Partidul Comunist Român | |
---|---|
National communism[15] | |
Political position | Far-left[16][17] |
National affiliation | FND/BPD (1944–1968) FDUS (1968–1989) |
European affiliation | Balkan Communist Federation (1921–1939) |
International affiliation | Comintern (1921–1943) Cominform (1947–1956) |
Colours | Red[18] Gold |
Anthem | "The Internationale" |
Party flag | |
The Romanian Communist Party (
The party operated under the title of the Romanian Workers' Party (Partidul Muncitoresc Romîn between 1948 and 1964 and Partidul Muncitoresc Român in 1964 and 1965) until it was officially renamed by Nicolae Ceaușescu, who had just been elected secretary general. Other legal, political parties existed in Romania, but their influence was limited and they were subordinate to the constitutionally-authorised leading role of the PCR. All other legal parties and entities were part of the Communist-dominated National Front.[20] The PCR was a communist party, organized based on democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Russian Marxist theoretician Vladimir Lenin, which entails a democratic and open discussion on policy on the condition of unity in upholding the agreed-upon policies. The highest body within the PCR was the Party Congress, which began in 1969 to convene every five years. The Central Committee was the highest body when Congress was not in session. Because the Central Committee met only twice a year, most day-to-day duties and responsibilities were vested in Politburo. The party leader held the office of General Secretary and, after 1945, held significant influence over the government. Between 1974 and 1989, the General Secretary also held the office of President of Romania.
Ideologically, the PCR was committed to
The PCR co-ordinated several organizations during its existence, including the
History
Establishment
The party was founded in 1921 when the
The party renamed itself the Socialist-Communist Party (Partidul Socialist-Comunist) and, soon after, the Communist Party of Romania (Partidul Comunist din România or PCdR). Government crackdown and competition with other socialist groups brought a drastic reduction in its membership—from the ca. 40,000 members the Socialist Party had, the new group was left with as much as 2,000
The early Communist Party had little influence in Romania. This was due to a number of factors: the country's lack of
At the same time, the left-wing political spectrum was dominated by
The PCdR's "foreign" image was because
Part of a series on the |
Communist movement in the Kingdom of Romania |
---|
Communist Party of Romania (1921–1948)
Comintern and internal wing
Part of a series on |
Stalinism |
---|
Shortly after its creation, the PCdR's leadership was alleged by authorities to have been involved in
The PCdR was thus unable to send representatives to the Comintern, and was virtually replaced abroad by a delegation of various activists who had fled to the
Around the time of the party's Fifth Congress in 1931, the Muscovite wing became the PCdR's main political factor:
The interior wing began organizing itself as a more efficient conspiratorial network through regained Comintern control.
In 1934, Stalin's
During the
In the years following the elections, the PCdR entered a phase of rapid decline, coinciding with the increasingly
Consequently, the executive committee of the Comintern called on Romanian Communists to infiltrate the National Renaissance Front (FRN), the newly created sole legal party of Carol's dictatorship, and attempt to attract members of its structures to the revolutionary cause.[50]
Until 1944, the group active inside Romania became split between the "prison faction" (
Attacks on Chiaburs in Communist Romania
Chiaburs were defined by the Party as the common enemies of communism in Romania. Thus, they were subjected to abuses by the cadres. A chiabur was, typically, a wealthier peasant that had gained a respected status among their village as a good householder and ambitious worker. Chiaburs could also be loosely defined as people owning the means of production or hiring someone for labor for a minimum of a month out of the year.[67] Because the definition of chiabur was so loose, cadres would sometimes take advantage of the system by naming those they had personal vendettas against as chiaburs or simply mislabeling people. The Party sought to reap the benefits of what the chiaburs produced through the newly introduced quota system, an attempt to put down the rebellions against communist power. These allotted quantities of food left many of the chiaburs starving; however, some managed to evade the process by hiding their grain, and when officials came to collect, they assured them they had nothing left. If it was found that a chiabur would not comply, they were subject to many abuses at the hands of the cadres. It was said that "those who were to bear the brunt of class war were the chiaburs, the rural bourgeoise."[68] The chiaburs could be subject to demeaning manual labor in public areas or brutal physical beatings by the cadres. Additionally, cadres would attack the wives and children of the chiaburs as a means of punishing the chiabur heads of household. They would do this through shaming and kicking chiabur children out of school or physically attacking the families.
World War II
In 1940, Romania had to cede Bessarabia and
As Romania came under the rule of
In June 1943, at a time when troops were suffering major defeats on the Eastern Front, the PCdR proposed that all parties form a Blocul Național Democrat ("National Democratic Bloc"), in order to arrange for Romania to withdraw from its alliance with Nazi Germany.[77] The ensuing talks were prolonged by various factors, most notably by the opposition of National Peasants' Party leader Iuliu Maniu, who, alarmed by Soviet successes, was trying to reach a satisfactory compromise with the Western Allies (and, together with the National Liberals' leader Dinu Brătianu, continued to back negotiations initiated by Antonescu and Barbu Știrbey with the United States and the United Kingdom).[78]
1944 Coup
In early 1944, as the
On 23 August 1944, King Michael, a number of
The King named General
In opposition to Sănătescu and Rădescu
After having been underground for two decades, the Communists enjoyed little popular support at first, compared to the other opposition parties (however, the decrease in popularity of the National Liberals was reflected in the forming of a splinter group around
The Communist Party, engaged in a massive recruitment campaign,
On PCdR initiative, the National Democratic Bloc was dissolved on 8 October 1944; instead, the Communists, Social Democrats, the
Sănătescu resigned in November, but was persuaded by King
First Groza cabinet
On 6 March, Groza became leader of a Communist-led government and named Communists to lead the
As a result of the
In the meantime, the first measure taken by the cabinet was a new
It was also then that, through Pătrășcanu and
1945 restructuring and second Groza cabinet
The Communist Party held its first open conference (16–22 October 1945, at the
The Central Committee had 27 full members
- Gheorghe Apostol
- Emil Bodnăraș
- Constantin Câmpeanu
- Nicolae Ceaușescu
- Iosif Chișinevschi
- Miron Constantinescu – Politburo member
- Dumitru Coliu
- Constanța Crăciun
- Teohari Georgescu – Politburo member, Secretary
- Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej – Politburo member, Secretary
- Vasile Luca – Politburo member, Secretary
- Gheorghe Maurer
- Vasile Mârza
- Alexandru Moghioroș
- Andrei Neagu
- Constantin Pârvulescu– President of Central Control Commission
- Lucrețiu Pătrășcanu
- Andrei Pătrașcu
- Ana Pauker – Politburo member, Secretary
- Emil Popa
- Ilie Popa
- Iosif Rangheț
- Leontin Silaghi
- Chivu Stoica – Politburo member
- Elena Tudorache
- Vasile Vaida
- Gheorghe Vasilichi – Politburo member
and 8 candidate members
- Liuba Chișinevschi
- Ilie Drăgan
- Alexandru Drăghici
- Dumitru Focșăneanu
- Mihai Mujic
- Ion Petre
- Gheorghe Radnev
- Mihail Roșianu
The post-1945 constant growth in membership, by far the highest of all Eastern Bloc countries,[116] was to provide a base of support for Gheorghiu-Dej. The conference also saw the first mention of the PCdR as the Romanian Communist Party (PCR), the new name being used as a propaganda tool suggesting a closer connection with the national interest.[117]
Party control over the security forces was successfully used on 8 November 1945, when the opposition parties organised a demonstration in front of the Royal Palace to express solidarity with King Michael, who was still refusing to sign his name to new legislation, on the occasion of his name day.[118] Demonstrators were faced with gunshots; around 10 people were killed, and many wounded.[119] The official account, according to which the Groza government responded to a coup attempt,[120] was disputed by Frunză.[121]
The PCR and its allies, grouped in the Bloc of Democratic Parties, won the Romanian elections of 19 November, although there is evidence of widespread electoral fraud.[122] Years later, historian Petre Ţurlea reviewed an incomplete confidential PCR report about the election that confirmed the Bloc won around 48 percent of the vote. He concluded that had the election been conducted fairly, the opposition parties could have won enough votes between them to form a coalition government, albeit with far less than the 80 percent support opposition supporters long claimed.[123]
The following months were dedicated to confronting the
Romanian Workers' Party (1948–1965)
Creation
In February 1948, the Communists ended a long process of infiltrating the
A new series of economic changes followed: the
Internal purges
During the period, the central scene of the PMR was occupied by the conflict between the "Muscovite wing", the "prison wing"led by
The move against Pauker's group echoed
From the moment it came to power and until Stalin's death, as the
Gheorghiu-Dej and de-Stalinization
Uncomfortable and possibly threatened by the reformist measures adopted by Stalin's successor,
In this context, the PMR soon dismissed all the relevant consequences of the Twentieth Soviet Congress, and Gheorghiu-Dej even argued that De-Stalinization had been imposed by his team right after 1952.
On the outside too, the PMR, leading a country that had joined the
Despite Stalin's death, the massive police apparatus headed by the
Gheorghiu-Dej and the "national path"
A drastic divergence in ideological outlooks manifested itself only after autumn 1961, when the PMR's leadership felt threatened by the Soviet Union's will to impose the condemnation of Stalinism as the standard in communist states.
The change in policies was to become obvious in 1964, when the Communist regime offered a stiff response to the
These actions gave Romania greater freedom in pursuing the program which Gheorghiu-Dej had been committed to since 1954, one allowing Romania to defy reforms in the Eastern Bloc and to maintain a largely Stalinist course.[191] It has also been argued that Romania's emancipation was, in effect, limited to economic relations and military cooperation, being as such dependent on a relatively tolerant mood inside the Soviet Union.[192] Nevertheless, the PMR's nationalism made it increasingly popular with Romanian intellectuals, and the last stage of the Gheorghiu-Dej regime was popularly identified with liberalization.[193]
Romanian Communist Party (1965–1989)
Ceaușescu's rise
Gheorghiu-Dej died in March 1965 and was succeeded by a collective leadership made up of
In 1965, Ceaușescu declared that Romania was no longer a
A seminal event occurred in August 1968, when Ceaușescu highlighted his anti-Soviet discourse by vocally opposing the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia; a highly popular measure with the Romanian public, it led to sizable enrollments in the PCR and the newly created paramilitary Patriotic Guards (created with the goal of meeting a possible Soviet intervention in Romania).[203] From 1965 to 1976, the PCR rose from approximately 1.4 million members to 2.6 million.[204] In the contingency of an anti-Soviet war, the PCR even sought an alliance with the maverick Yugoslav leader Josip Broz Tito—negotiations did not yield a clear result.[205] Although military intervention in Romania was reportedly taken into consideration by the Soviets,[206] there is indication that Leonid Brezhnev had himself ruled out Romanian participation in Warsaw Pact maneuvers,[205] and that he continued to rely on Ceaușescu's support for other common goals.[207]
While it appears that Romanian leaders genuinely approved of the Prague Spring reforms undertaken by Alexander Dubček,[208] Ceaușescu's gesture also served to consolidate his image as a national and independent communist leader.[209] One year before the invasion of Czechoslovakia, Ceaușescu opened up diplomatic ties with West Germany, and refused to break links with Israel following the Six-Day War.[210] Starting with the much-publicized visit by France's Charles de Gaulle (May 1968),[211] Romania was the recipient of Western world support going well into the 1970s (significant visits were paid by United States Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, in 1969 and 1975 respectively, while Ceaușescu was frequently received in Western capitals).[212]
Ceaușescu's supremacy
Ceaușescu developed a
At the time, a new organization was instituted under the name of
Members of the upper echelons of the party who objected to Ceaușescu's stance were accused of supporting Soviet policies; they included Alexandru Bârlădeanu, who criticized the heavy loans contracted in support of industrialization policies.[220] In time, the new leader distanced himself from Maurer and Corneliu Mănescu, while his career profited from the deaths of Stoica (who committed suicide) and Sălăjan (who died while undergoing surgery).[221] Instead, he came to rely on a new generation of activists, among them Manea Mănescu.[222]
At the XIth Party Congress in 1974,
Despite the party's independent, "national communist" course, the absolute control that Ceaușescu had over the party and the country led to some non-Romanian observers describing the PCR as one of the closest things to an old-style Stalinist party. For instance, Encyclopædia Britannica referred to the last 18 years of Ceaușescu's tenure as a period of "neo-Stalinism", and the last edition of the Country Study on Romania referred to the PCR's "Stalinist repression of individual liberties."[228]
Late 1970s crisis
The renewed industrialization, which based itself on both a dogmatic understanding of
Two other programs initiated under Ceaușescu had massive consequences on social life. One of them was the plan, announced as early as 1965, to "
Although Romania adhered to the
1980s
A major act of discontent occurred inside the party during its XIIth Congress in late November 1979, when PCR veteran
By 1983, membership of the PCR had risen to 3.3 million,[250] and, in 1989, to 3.7–3.8 million[204]—meaning that, in the end, over 20% of Romanian adults were party members,[139] making the PCR the largest communist group of the Eastern Bloc after the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.[204] 64,200 basic party units, answering to county committees, varying in number and representing various areas of Romanian society, were officially recorded in 1980.[139] Statistics also indicated that, during the transition from the 1965 PMR (with 8% of the total population) to the 1988 PCR, the membership of workers had grown from 44 to 55%, while that of peasants had dropped from 34 to 15%.[139] In the end, these records contrasted the fact that the PCR had become completely subservient to its leader and no longer had any form of autonomous activity,[204][251] while membership became a basic requirement in numerous social contexts, leading to purely formal allegiances and political clientelism.[252]
At the same time, the ideological viewpoint was changed, with the party no longer seen as the
As recorded in 1984, 90% of the PCR members were ethnic Romanians, with 7% Hungarians (the latter group's membership had dropped by more than 2% since the previous Congress).[139] Formal criticism of the new policies regarding minorities had also been voiced by Hungarian activists, including Károly Király, leader of the PCR in Covasna County.[256] After 1980, the nationalist ideology adopted by the PCR progressively targeted the Hungarian community as a whole, based on suspicions of its allegiance to Hungary, whose policies had become diametrically opposed to the methods of Romanian leaders (see Goulash Communism).[257]
Especially during the 1980s, clientelism was further enhanced by a new policy, rotația cadrelor ("cadre rotation" or "reshuffling"), placing strain on low-level officials to seek the protection of higher placed ones as a means to preserve their position or to be promoted.[258] This effectively prompted activists who did not approve of the change in tone to retire, while others—Virgil Trofin, Ion Iliescu and Paul Niculescu-Mizil among them—were officially dispatched to low-ranking positions or otherwise marginalized.[259] In June 1988, the leadership of the Political Executive Committee was reduced from 15 to 7 members, including Nicolae Ceaușescu and his wife.[139]
While some elements of the PCR were receptive to Mikhail Gorbachev's reforms, Ceaușescu himself wanted nothing to do with glasnost or perestroika. As a result, the PCR remained an obstinate bastion of hardline Communism. Gorbachev's distaste for Ceaușescu was well known; he even went as far as to call Ceaușescu "the Romanian führer. "In Gorbachev's mind, Ceaușescu was part of a "Gang of Four" inflexibly hardline leaders unwilling to make the reforms he felt necessary to save Communism, along with Czechoslovakia's Gustáv Husák, Bulgaria's Todor Zhivkov and East Germany's Erich Honecker. At a meeting between the two, Gorbachev upbraided Ceaușescu for his inflexible attitude. "You are running a dictatorship here," the Soviet leader warned. However, Ceaușescu refused to bend.[260]
Downfall
Announced by a February 1987 protest of workers and students in
Inaugurated by
In the face of the changes that unfolded in the rest of Eastern Europe in 1988 and 1989, the PCR retained its image as one of the most unreconstructed parties in the Soviet bloc. It even went as far as to call for a Warsaw Pact invasion of Poland after that country's Communists announced a power-sharing agreement with the Solidarity trade union—a sharp reversal of its previous opposition to the Brezhnev Doctrine and its vehement opposition to the invasion of Czechoslovakia 21 years earlier.[260] It initially appeared that the PCR would ride out the anti-Communist tide sweeping through Eastern Europe when on 24 November—two weeks after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the same day that Communist rule effectively ended in Czechoslovakia—Ceaușescu was reelected for another five-year term as General Secretary.
A month later, both Ceaușescu and the party were overthrown in the
Many former members of the PCR have been major players in the
with the latter entering Parliament in the 1992–1996 legislature under its former name of Socialist Party of Labour.General secretaries (1921–1989)
- Gheorghe Cristescu (1921–1924)
- Elek Köblös (1924–1927)
- Vitali Holostenco (1927–1931)
- Alexander Danieliuk-Stefanski (1931–1936)
- Boris Stefanov (1936–1938)
- Bela Breiner (1938–1940)[270]
- Ștefan Foriș (1940–1944)
- Provisional secretariat: Emil Bodnăraș, Iosif Rangheț, and Constantin Pîrvulescu (April–September 1944)
- Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (1944–1954)
- Gheorghe Apostol (1954–1955)
- Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej (1955–1965)
- Nicolae Ceaușescu (1965–1989)
Party congresses
Name/Period | Location |
---|---|
1st (May 1921) | Bucharest |
2nd (October 1922) | Ploiești |
3rd (August 1924) | Vienna |
4th (July 1928) | Kharkiv |
5th (December 1931) | Moscow |
6th (February 1948) | Bucharest |
7th (December 1955) | Bucharest |
8th (June 1960) | Bucharest |
9th (July 1965) | Bucharest |
10th (August 1969) | Bucharest |
11th (November 1974) | Bucharest |
12th (November 1979) | Bucharest |
13th (November 1984) | Bucharest |
14th (November 1989) | Bucharest |
Electoral history
President of the State Council and Presidential elections
Election | Party candidate | Votes | % | Result |
---|---|---|---|---|
President elected by the Great National Assembly | ||||
1961 | Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej | 465 | 100% | Elected |
1965 | Chivu Stoica | 465 | 100% | Elected |
1967 | Nicolae Ceaușescu | 465 | 100% | Elected |
1974 | 465 | 100% | Elected | |
1980 | 369 | 100% | Elected | |
1985 | 369 | 100% | Elected |
Note
In the 1961, 1965, 1967 the head of state was called President of the State Council while after 1973 the post changed to that of president
Great National Assembly elections
Election | Party leader | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Position |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1926 | Elek Köblös | 39,203
as part of BMȚ |
1.5% | 0 / 387
|
6th | |
1927 | 31,505
as part of BMȚ |
1.3% | 0 / 387
|
6th | ||
1928 | Vitali Holostenco | 38,851
as part of BMȚ |
1.4% | 0 / 387
|
6th | |
1931 | 73,716
as part of BMȚ |
2.6% | 5 / 387
|
5 | 10th | |
1932 | Alexander Danieliuk-Stefanski | 9,441
as part of BMȚ |
0.3% | 0 / 387
|
5 | 17th |
1933 | 3,515
as part of Labour League |
0.1% | 0 / 387
|
15th | ||
1937 | Boris Stefanov | Did not compete | ||||
1939 | Bela Breiner | |||||
1946 | Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej | as part of BPD | 68 / 414
|
68 | 4th | |
1948
|
as part of FDP | 190 / 405
|
122 | 1st | ||
1952
|
428 / 428
|
23 | 1st | |||
1957
|
437 / 437
|
9 | 1st | |||
1961
|
465 / 465
|
28 | 1st | |||
1965
|
465 / 465
|
1st | ||||
1969
|
Nicolae Ceaușescu | as part of FUS
|
465 / 465
|
1st | ||
1975
|
349 / 349
|
116 | 1st | |||
1980
|
as part of FDUS | 369 / 369
|
20 | 1st | ||
1985
|
369 / 369
|
1st |
See also
- List of Romanian communists
- Proclamation of Timişoara
- Eastern Bloc politics
- Social Democratic Party (Romania)
Notes
- ^ https://www.b1tv.ro/politica/propaganda-fsn-fosta-pcr-este-dusa-mai-departe-de-psd-textele-pe-care-oamenii-lui-iliescu-le-raspandeau-in-90-la-fel-de-actuale-si-acum-170169.html
- ^ https://www.dw.com/ro/psd-merge-la-vale-vestea-rea-e-ca-tot-psd-il-impinge-ziarecom/a-44894910
- ^ Roger East, Jolyon Pontin, Bloomsbury Publishing, 6 Oct 2016, Revolution and Change in Central and Eastern Europe: Revised Edition, p. 175
- ^ (in Romanian) "Scânteia, ziarul cu două fețe" ("Scânteia, the Two-Faced Journal"), in Evenimentul Zilei, 14 January 2006
- ^ "Rolul UTC în angrenajul totalitar" ("The UTC's Role in the Regime's Gear Mechanism"), Adrian Cioflancă, 22, 22 December 2006.
- ^ "DDR & Ostalgie - Lexikon - Pionierorganisation der SR Rumänien". Archived from the original on 26 April 2008. Retrieved 25 April 2008.
- ^ Jurnalul Național: Și verzi și roșii Archived 2018-03-13 at the Wayback Machine, Ilarion Tiu, 10 mai 2006 - Accesat la data de 10 aprilie 2011
- ^ "Romania: Information on the percentage of the population that are members of the communist party, from 1987". Refworld. 1 February 1996. Retrieved 31 December 2021.
- ^ DECRET Nr. 770 din 1 octombrie 1966-Ministerul Justitiei
- ^ Kligman, Gail. "Political Demography: The Banning of Abortion in Ceausescu's Romania". In Ginsburg, Faye D.; Rapp, Rayna, eds. Conceiving the New World Order: The Global Politics of Reproduction. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995 :234-255. Unique Identifier : AIDSLINE KIE/49442.
- ISBN 9780739105924.
- ^ Viviana Andreescu (2011). "From legal tolerance to social acceptance: predictors of heterosexism in Romania" (PDF). Revista Română de Sociologie. XXII (3–4). București: 209–231. Retrieved 25 March 2017.
- ISBN 1-84113-267-5.
- ISBN 3-05-002590-5, S. 87–102.
- ^ Petrescu, Cristina. "Rethinking National Identity after National-Communism? The case of Romania". www.eurhistxx.de. Archived from the original on 5 March 2014. Retrieved 3 April 2014.
- ^ March, Luke (2009). "Contemporary Far Left Parties in Europe: From Marxism to the Mainstream?" (PDF). IPG. 1: 126–143. Archived (PDF) from the original on 21 May 2018 – via Friedrich Ebert Foundation.
- ^ "Left". Encyclopædia Britannica. 15 April 2009. Retrieved 22 May 2022.
... communism is a more radical leftist ideology.
- OCLC 60393965.
- ISBN 978-3-8329-5609-7.
- ISBN 978-3-8329-5609-7.
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.23-27; Frunză, p.21-22
- ^ Frunză, p.25-28
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.45; Communist press, 1923, in Frunză, p.30
- ^ Allegations in the Social-Democratic press, 1923, in Frunză, p.30; Iordachi I.2
- concentration camps." (Rangheț, 25–27 April 1945, in Colt). In the late 1940s, Ana Paukergave the same estimate (Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.45; Frunză, p.202).
- ^ Dumitru Lăcătuşu, "Convenient Truths: Representations of the Communist Illegalists in the Romanian Historiography in Post-Communism", in Brukenthalia. Supplement of Brukenthal, Acta Musei, No. 4, Sibiu, 2014, p.199-200
- ISBN 0275928403.
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.18-45; Frunză, p.38-48, 63–72; Iordachi, I.2; Pokivailova, p.48; Troncotă, p.19-20; Veiga, p.222
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.36; Frunză, p.71; Troncotă, p.19; Veiga, p.115
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.47-48
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.18, 44
- ^ Iordachi, I.2; Pokivailova, p.47
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.18
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.27–30
- ^ Troncotă, p.18-19
- ^ Argetoianu, June 1922, in Troncotă, p.19
- ^ Troncotă, p.19
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.37, 44
- ^ a b Deletant & Ionescu, p.4–5
- ^ Frunză, p.38–39
- ^ Frunză, p.32–33
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.38–39
- ^ Frunză, p.49–50
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.41; Frunză, p.51-53
- ^ Troncotă, p.20–22
- ^ Frunză, p.58–62
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.41–43
- ^ Frunză, p.53–62
- ^ Frunză, p.85
- ^ a b c d e Pokivailova, p.48
- ^ a b Veiga, p.223
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.110–118
- ^ "Comunismul și cel care a trăit Iluzia"
- ^ Veiga, p.235
- ^ Frunză, p.84
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii.., p.43, 170–171
- ^ Frunză, p.84, 102–103
- ^ Veiga, p.223–224
- ^ Pokivailova, p.47
- ^ Pokivailova, p.46–47
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.42, 44, 48–50
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii.., p.42–43
- ^ Frunză, p.90–91, 151, 215
- ^ Pokivailova, p.45
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.43, 52, 171–172
- ^ Frunză, p.103–104, 149–154, 215
- ^ Basic Indicators for Identifying Chiabur Households (ANIC, Fond C.C. al P.C.R–Agrară, file 29/1952, 2–8; ANIC, Fond C.C. al P.C.R.–Cancelarie, file 32/1952, 39–42; DJAN HD, Fond CR PMR, file 430/1952, 252–263)
- ISBN 978-0-691-14972-1.
- ^ Frunză, p.72; Pokivailova, p.48
- ^ Frunză, p.72, 105–107, 127
- ^ Frunză, p.106-107
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.52; Frunză, p.103, 402
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.42-52, 132–134, 332, 335–336, 343–344; Deletant, p.196, 238–239, 303; Frunză, p.122-123, 138
- ^ C. Bărbulescu et al., File din istoria U.T.C, 1971, Bucharest: Editura Politică. p. 199
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.52; Deletant, p.116, 123, 196–198, 219, 225, 254, 303, 311, 332–333, 335–336, 340
- ^ Deletant, p.196-197, 225
- ^ Frunză, p.123
- ^ Frunză, p.123-125; 130–131
- ^ Frunză, p.125
- ^ Frunză, p.131-133, 139
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.49-50, 62;"Comunismul și cel care a trăit Iluzia"; Frunză, p.400-402
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.50; Frunză, p.213, 218–221, 402
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.50-55; Chant, p.84-85, 124–125, 303; Deletant, p.3-4, 241–246, 265–266, 343–346; Frunză, p.128-137
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.51; Deletant, p.243-245, 257; Frunză, p.126-129
- ^ Deletant, p.243, 265–266, 269, 344; Frunză, p.130-145
- ^ Frunză, p.171, 178–190
- ^ Frunză, p.163-170
- cadres, party members, by only very, very little, if we are to keep in mind the present legal situation, if we keep in mind that, through our party's work, thousands, tens and hundreds of thousands workers were rallied. [...] During this time, when our party only had 5–6,000 party members, we held large, huge protests against the [daily] realities in our country, in Bucharest as well as throughout the land..." (Rangheț, 25–27 April 1945, in Colt)
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.297; Frunză, p.208
- ^ Barbu, p.190
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.51-52; Deletant & Ionescu, p.4-5; Frunză, p.218-219
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.45, 59–61
- ^ Frunză, p.176
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.106-148
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.154
- ^ Barbu, p.187-189; Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.55-56; Frunză, p.173-174, 220–222, 237–238, 254–255
- ^ Frunză, p.186-190
- ^ Barbu, p.187-188; Frunză, p.174-177
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.56
- ^ Frunză, p.180-181
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.156-157
- ^ Frunză, p.180-184
- ^ Frunză, p.181-182
- ^ Frunză, p.183-184
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.57
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.93; Frunză, p.187-189
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.61-64, 159–161
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.63, 159–160
- ^ Cioroianu, p.161-162
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.58-59; Frunză, p.198-200, 221
- ^ Frunză, p.200, 221
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.295-296; Deletant, p.245-262; Frunză, p.228-232
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.77-93, 106–148; Frunză, p.240-258
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.67-71, 372–373; Frunză, p.381
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.62, 91–93, 174–176, 194–195; Frunză, p.219-220
- ^ Barbu, p.190-191
- ^ Frunză, p.220
- ^ Frunză, p.233
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.62; Frunză, p.233
- ^ Frunză, p.234
- ^ Frunză, p.234-239
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.64-66; Frunză, p.287-292
- ^ Petre Ţurlea, "Alegerile parlamentare din noiembrie '46: guvernul procomunist joacă şi câştigă. Ilegalităţi flagrante, rezultat viciat" ("The Parliamentary Elections of November '46: the Pro-Communist Government Plays and Wins. Blatant Unlawfulness, Tampered Result"), p. 35–36
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.95-96; Frunză, p.287-308
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.97-101
- ^ Cioroianu, p.99; Craig S. Smith, "Romania's King Without a Throne Outlives Foes and Setbacks", in The New York Times, 27 January 2007; Retrieved on 7 December 2007
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.93-94; Frunză, p.259-286, 329–359
- ^ US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Frunză, p.274, 350–354
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.2
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.292; Frunză, p.355-357
- ISBN 978-3-8329-5609-7
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.72-73
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.73-74
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.74
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.74-75
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.75-76
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.76, 251–253; Deletant & Ionescu, p.3-4; Frunză, p.393-394, 412–413
- ^ US Library of Congress:"The Communist Party"; Deletant & Ionescu, p.3
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.194-195, 200–201; Frunză, p.359-363; 407–410
- ^ Gheorghe Gheorghiu-Dej, in Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.299
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.297, 298–300
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.180
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.180-182, 200–203; Frunză, p.403-407; Tismăneanu, p.16
- ^ Cioroianu, p.299
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.5
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.5-6; Frunză, p.403-407
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.103; Deletant & Ionescu, p.3
- ^ 1952 Constitution, in Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.103-104
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.195-196; Tismăneanu, p.19, 22–23
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.204
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.197-198
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.76, 181–182, 206; Frunză, p.393-394
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.391-394; Deletant & Ionescu, p.7, 20–21; Tismăneanu, p.12, 27–31
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.201
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.210-211
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.207, 375; Frunză, p.437
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.375; Frunză, p.437
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.204; Deletant & Ionescu, p.7; Tismăneanu, p.10-12
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.206, 217–218; Deletant & Ionescu, p.7-8, 9; Frunză, p.424-425; Tismăneanu, p.9, 16
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.206, 217; Deletant & Ionescu, p.8, 9; Frunză, p.430-434; Tismăneanu, p.15-16, 18–19
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.136, 206–207; Deletant & Ionescu, p.8-9; Frunză, p.425; Tismăneanu, p.11-12, 16–19, 24–26
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.136, 208; Tismăneanu, p.22, 23–24, 27
- ^ Tismăneanu, p.29-30
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.198-200, 207; Deletant & Ionescu, p.9-13; Frunză, p.426-428-434; Tismăneanu, p.19-23
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.10-11, 34; Tismăneanu, p.21, 31
- ^ Frunză, p.429
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.291-294; Deletant & Ionescu, p.4
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.221, 314–315; Deletant & Ionescu, p.19
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.268-318; Frunză, p.367-370, 392–399
- ^ Barbu, p.192
- ^ a b c Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.313
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.300-319; Frunză, p.394-399
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.212-217, 219, 220, 372–376; Frunză, p.440-444
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.208
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.218-219, 220; Deletant & Ionescu, p.19; Frunză, p.456-457
- ^ Frunză, p.442
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.345-352; Deletant & Ionescu, p.13-15
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.214; Frunză, p.442, 445, 449–450
- ^ Tismăneanu, p.37-38, 47–48
- ^ Tismăneanu, p.34-36
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.215, 218; Frunză, p.437, 449, 452–453; Tismăneanu, p.14-15, 43–44, 50
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.215; Frunză, p.437, 449; Tismăneanu, p.14-15, 50
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.215; Frunză, p.438
- ^ Frunză, p.452-453
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.216; Frunză, p.440-441, 454–457; Deletant & Ionescu, p.17; Iordachi I.2, II.1; Tismăneanu, p.45-46
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.220; Deletant & Ionescu, p.18; Frunză, p.453
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.220, 321–325; Deletant & Ionescu, p.18; Iordachi I.2, II.1; Tismăneanu, p.34, 48–49
- ^ Scînteia, 1964, in Iordachi I.2; in Tismăneanu, p.49
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.18-19
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.216-217, 220–221; Deletant & Ionescu, p.15-19; Frunză, p.445-449, 458–461; Tismăneanu, p.32-34
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.320-325
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.221-223, 275–276; Frunză, p.458
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.392-394
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.393-397; Deletant & Ionescu, p.29-30; Frunză, p.472
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.393-397; Deletant & Ionescu, p.29-30; Tismăneanu, p.51-53
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.398-399; "Comunismul și cel care a trăit Iluzia"; Deletant & Ionescu, p.25; Frunză, p.472-474
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.397-400; Frunză, p.473-474
- ^ Deletant, p.266-269; Frunză, p.474, 504–509, 513–518
- ^ Frunză, p.474
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.25-26
- ^ Barbu, p.193-195
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.403-412, 414; Deletant & Ionescu, p.27; Frunză, p.475; Negrici, p.221
- ^ a b c d e US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.414
- ^ a b Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.409
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.27
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.409; Frunză, p.516-518
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.405-406
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.404, 412–415; Deletant & Ionescu, p.22; Frunză, p.513-514; Iordachi, II.1
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.22
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.404-405;"Comunismul și cel care a trăit Iluzia"
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.412-414; "Comunismul și cel care a trăit Iluzia"; Deletant & Ionescu, p.29, 46; Iordachi, II.1
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.79-80, 429, 431, 489–490; Deletant & Ionescu, p.28-29
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.436
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.416, 424, 434–442, 488–492; "Comunismul și cel care a trăit Iluzia"; Deletant, p.266-269; Negrici, p.221-226
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.489; Deletant & Ionescu, p.30-31; Negrici, p.221
- ^ Frunză, p.476
- ^ Frunză, p.482-483
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.23-24; Iordachi, I.3
- ^ Frunză, p.476, 510–511
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.31; Frunză, p.472, 475, 476–478, 479–480, 483, 511
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.30; Frunză, p.483
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.491; Frunză, p.480
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.489; Deletant & Ionescu, p.31; Frunză, p.483-484
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.416, 489–490
- ^ US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Deletant & Ionescu, p.26
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.32
- ^ http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field%28DOCID+ro0010%29 [dead link]
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.26, 32; Frunză, p.510-512
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.467; Deletant & Ionescu, p.32-33
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.467-468; Deletant & Ionescu, p.33-34; Frunză, p.512
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.468-469; Frunză, p.512
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.468; Deletant & Ionescu, p.33
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.471
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.469; Deletant & Ionescu, p.47-49
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.470
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.42-44
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.471-474; Deletant & Ionescu, p.24
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.473; Deletant & Ionescu, p.24
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.486; Frunză, p.516, 518
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.478; Frunză, p.524
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.478-479; Frunză, p.525-526
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.479; Deletant & Ionescu, p.34-35; Frunză, p.526
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.479; Deletant & Ionescu, p.35
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.487-488; Frunză, p.486-489
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.38; Frunză, p.525-525
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.35
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.479; Deletant & Ionescu, p.42-43
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.37-39
- ^ Frunză, p.482
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p. 41–42; Frunză, p. 481–483
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.415, 426–432; Frunză, p.521
- ^ US Library of Congress:"The Communist Party"; Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.416
- ^ US Library of Congress: "The Communist Party"; Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.428; Frunză, p.504-518, 520
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.491-494; Deletant & Ionescu, p.32, 44–46; Frunză, p.520; Iordachi, II.3
- ^ Frunză, p.523
- ^ Iordachi, I.3, III
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.426-431; Deletant & Ionescu, p.30; Frunză, p.485-486
- ^ Frunză, p.485-486
- ^ ISBN 978-0-375-42532-5.
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.35-36
- ^ a b Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.486-487; Deletant & Ionescu, p.36
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.487-488; Deletant & Ionescu, p.37, 40–41
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.39-40; Iordachi, III.4
- ^ Deletant & Ionescu, p.39-40
- ^ Iordachi, III
- ^ Cioroianu, Pe umerii..., p.488, 493–494
- ^ "Noul Partid Comunist Român, condus de un șofer de taxi". adevarul. Retrieved 30 March 2013.
- ^ "Petre Ignatencu: Πραγματική κυβέρνηση της Ρουμανίας είναι το ΔΝΤ και η Παγκόσμια Τράπεζα". E-dromos. Archived from the original on 18 February 2013. Retrieved 30 March 2013.
- ^ Paula Mihailov, Ultimul conducator ilegalist, jurnalul.ro : Istoria comunismului, 26 July 2005, accessed 23 January 2019
References
- "The Communist Party" from the US Library of Congress' Country Study of Romania, 1990; retrieved 5 July 2007
- ISBN 973-569-209-0. See:
- Daniel Barbu, "Destinul colectiv, servitutea involuntară, nefericirea totalitară: trei mituri ale comunismului românesc" ("Collective Destiny, Involuntary Servitude, Totalitarian Misery: Three Myths of Romanian Communism"), p. 175–197
- Eugen Negrici, "Mitul patriei primejduite" ("The Myth of the Fatherland in Peril"), p. 220–226
- Adrian Cioroianu,
- (in Romanian) "Comunismul și cel care a trăit Iluzia" ("Communism and the Man Who Lived the Illusion"), in Revista 22, Nr.25 (641), June 2002; retrieved 5 July 2007
- Pe umerii lui Marx. O introducere în istoria comunismului românesc ("On the Shoulders of Marx. An Incursion into the History of Romanian Communism"), ISBN 973-669-175-6
- (in Romanian) "Comunismul și cel care a trăit Iluzia" ("Communism and the Man Who Lived the Illusion"), in
- (in Romanian) Radu Colt, "80 în București și mai puțin de 1000 în toată țara" ("80 in Bucharest and Less throughout the Country") Archived 7 October 2007 at the Wayback Machine, in Magazin Istoric, June 1999; retrieved 5 July 2007
- ISBN 1-4039-9341-6
- Dennis Deletant, Mihail Ionescu, "Romania and the Warsaw Pact: 1955–1989", in Cold War International History Project, Working Paper No. 43, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., April 2004; retrieved 5 July 2007
- Victor Frunză, Istoria stalinismului în România ("The History of Stalinism in Romania"), Humanitas, Bucharest, 1990
- Constantin Iordachi, The Anatomy of a Historical Conflict: Romanian-Hungarian Diplomatic Conflict in the 1980s, Central European University, at the Romanian Institute for Cultural Memory; retrieved 5 July 2007
- T. A. Pokivailova, "1939–1940. Cominternul și Partidul Comunist din România" (1939–1940. The Comintern and the Communist Party of Romania"), in Magazin Istoric, March 1997
- Vladimir Tismăneanu, Gheorghiu-Dej and the Romanian Workers' Party: From De-Sovietization to the Emergence of National Communism, in Cold War International History Project, Working Paper No. 37, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C., 2002; Retrieved on 5 July 2007
- Cristian Troncotă, "Siguranța și spectrul revoluției comuniste" ("Siguranța and the Specter of Communist Revolution"), in Dosarele Istoriei, 4(44)/2000
- Francisco Veiga, Istoria Gărzii de Fier, 1919–1941: Mistica ultranaționalismului ("The History of the Iron Guard, 1919–1941: The Mystique of Ultra-Nationalism"), Humanitas, Bucharest, 1993