Authoritarian socialism
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Authoritarian socialism, or socialism from above,
Contrasted to
While originating with the
Political roots
Socialism from above
Authoritarian socialism is derived from the concept of socialism from above.
According to Arthur Lipow, Marx and Engels were "the founders of modern revolutionary democratic socialism", described as a form of "socialism from below" that is "based on a mass working-class movement, fighting from below for the extension of democracy and human freedom". This
The
According to George Woodcock, the Second International turned "into a battleground over the issue of libertarian versus authoritarian socialism. Not only did they effectively present themselves as champions of minority rights; they also provoked the German Marxists into demonstrating a dictatorial intolerance which was a factor in preventing the British labour movement from following the Marxist direction indicated by such leaders as H. M. Hyndman".[22] According to anarchists such as the authors of An Anarchist FAQ, forms of socialism from above such as authoritarian socialism or state socialism are the real oxymorons and the libertarian socialism from below represents true socialism. For anarchists and other anti-authoritarian socialists, socialism "can only mean a classless and anti-authoritarian (i.e. libertarian) society in which people manage their own affairs, either as individuals or as part of a group (depending on the situation). In other words, it implies self-management in all aspects of life", including at the workplace.[23] Historian Herbert L. Osgood described anarchism as "the extreme antithesis" of authoritarian communism and state socialism.[24]
Socialists in general and socialist writers, including
Utopian socialism
The economy of the 3rd century BCE
The first major fictional work that proposed an authoritarian socialist state was
The biggest critique of Bellamy's society is that it is based on the idea of socialism from above. The regime is imposed on the people by an expert elite and there is no democratic control or individual liberty. Lipow argues that this inherently leads to authoritarianism, writing: "If the workers and the vast majority were a brutish mass, there could be no question of forming a political movement out of them nor of giving them the task of creating a socialist society. The new institutions would not be created and shaped from below but would, of necessity, correspond to the plan laid down in advance by the utopian planner".[11]
In his preface to
Austrian and Chicago schools of economics
While distinguishing between "voluntary and coercive strands",
Mises criticised
The Austrian and
Similarly,
Response
The Austrian and Chicagoan concept of authoritarian socialism has been criticised. In particular, it has been criticised for conflating
People such as Hayek, Mises and Friedman have also been criticised for hypocrisy due to claiming to oppose authoritarian socialism yet supporting
Friedman's involvement in the Chilean military dictatorship has also been criticised as he served as economic advisor.
Another criticism is that proponents of the theory overstate the strength of their case by describing socialism as impossible rather than inefficient.
David L. Hoffmann, Distinguished Professor of History at Ohio State University, raises the issue of whether authoritarian socialist practices of state violence derived from socialist ideology. Placing authoritarian socialist ideologies such as Stalinism in an international context, he argues that many forms of state interventionism used by the Stalinist government, including social cataloguing, surveillance and concentration camps, predated the Soviet regime and originated outside of Russia. He further argues that technologies of social intervention developed in conjunction with the work of 19th-century European reformers and were greatly expanded during World War I, when state actors in all the combatant countries dramatically increased efforts to mobilize and control their populations. As the Soviet state was born at this moment of total war, it institutionalized practices of state intervention as permanent features of governance.[109] Writing two The Guardian articles in 2002 and 2006, British journalist Seumas Milne wrote that the impact of the post-Cold War narrative that Stalin and Hitler were twin evils and therefore communism is as monstrous as Nazism "has been to relativize the unique crimes of Nazism, bury those of colonialism and feed the idea that any attempt at radical social change will always lead to suffering, killing and failure".[110][111]
Characteristics
Theory and rationale
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Authoritarian socialism is a political-economic system that can be generally described as
Soviet advocates and socialists responded to this type of criticism by highlighting the ideological differences in the concept of
When asked to comment on the claim that former citizens of
Formation of industry
As authoritarian powers enforce socialist economics, the process often goes hand in hand with supporting the growth of heavy industry as a means of reaching
Outside of the Soviet Union, two rising global participants of the early 20th century were the young states of
Common among authoritarian socialist regimes was
A
Single-party system
Authoritarian socialist states often oppose the
Outside of Europe, Eritrea, Mozambique and Vietnam stand as examples of states that were socialist and ruled by a single-party at some point in the 20th century. In Eritrea, the ruling party emerging in 1970 was the Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) and with control of the state the EPLF began work on socialist ideals such as broadening women's rights and expanding education.[127] In Mozambique, the single-state rule of FRELIMO occurred while the state was still ideologically socialist right after Portuguese rule was ending in 1975.[128] In Vietnam, the Communist Party of Vietnam considers itself to be in transition to socialism and also the "vanguard of the working people and the whole nation".[129]
Propaganda
Departments of
Economics
There are several elemental characteristics of the authoritarian socialist economic system that distinguish it from the
While
Several economists and scholars have argued that authoritarian socialist states did not follow a
Central planning
In a
The planning process involved the creation of one-year plans, five-year plans and long-term plans. The one-year plans contained schedules and details that addressed current production and market equilibrium issues. The five-year plans integrated the political, military and economic strategy that would be pursued in the next five years as well as changes in capacity and production rates. It was done by a team of around the fifty leading experts from all the departments, ministries, professional and scientific organizations. The long-term plans encompassed a global strategy development. This plan was about goals for the state and society, not about individual responsibilities. Structural changes were a main theme.[132][150] Nevertheless, centrally planned economies provided a better quality of life than market economies at the same level of economic development in nearly all cases.[151]
Some economists have argued that the major reason for the economic shortcomings of authoritarian socialist states which adopted Soviet-type planning was due to their
Economy of the Soviet Union
The essence of Soviet economics is that the communist party is the sole authority of the national interest. The party makes all the decisions, but they should take into account the desires of the population and these desires were then to be weighted into the decision making. According to Article 11 of its 1977 constitution, the main goal of the Soviet Union was to "raise the material and cultural standards of the working people". Marxist thought and its interpretation by the Soviet Union dictated that private ownership was to be banned and the nationalization of all aspects of production a necessity, yet some things were not nationalized for the sake of economic efficiency or production targets. There was an emphasis on rapid industrialization, the development of heavy industry, relegation of consumer production as non-essential and collectivization of agriculture. Soviet-type economies also used a larger proportion of their resources on investment than do market economies. The issue with this was that current consumption was undercut because of the over-investment. All these actions supported the purposes of the state, not the people.[155]
During the 1940s–1970s, the
The Soviet Union had a poor overall performance. Although it had high growth rates in productions, many enterprises operated with losses.
Economy of the Eastern Bloc
The initial move for socialism was in 1963 after a Central Committee meeting, these countries became the Comecon countries. There were countries that chose to introduce the new economic system gradually (Bulgaria, East Germany and Poland) and countries that decided to first prepare theoretically, then experimentation at different levels and then in a large scale (Hungary and Romania). Czechoslovakia was set apart because the first stage of its transition consisted of economic recovery and then socialism was gradually implemented. Yugoslavia differed from other Eastern European countries in that after 1950 it modified its economic system by making self-management the base of enterprise activity.[159] There were also a few differences between the economic model of the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries such as East Germany and Poland. Czechoslovakia and East Germany were administered along regional lines. Poland retained a centralized system similar to the Stalinist centralization of the Soviet Union.[158] The Eastern European countries differed from the Soviet Union in that they had greater flexibility in the management of subordinate firms, the market was assigned a greater importance, accessible foreign trade and liberalization of the exchange of capital goods. There was also less bureaucracy than in the Soviet Union involved in the planning of the countries.[159]
The Eastern Bloc countries achieved high rates of economic and technical progress, promoted industrialization and ensured steady growth rates of labor productivity and rises in the standard of living
Following the fall of the
The dissolution of the Soviet system was followed by a rapid increase in
Economy of China
The Maoist economic model of China was designed after the Stalinist principles of a
After the
The Maoist model had a dual economic goal, namely the industrialization of the countryside and the socialization of its people. It differed from the Soviet Union's goals in that Mao emphasized the
Economic challenges and legacy
The problem with the central planning of authoritarian socialist states is that as the state develops, it also grows in complexity and the possible errors grow and the possibilities of dis-allocations and waste of resources.[132] As commented by Karl Marx, capitalism works because it is a system of economic force, but in socialist economics this force is insufficient to provide enough incentive. Human needs should be taken into account to make a socialist society function, but there is no necessary connection between the accumulation of capital and human satisfaction.[208] Some of the issues that emerged during the socialist phase of Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union and Maoist China included inflation, lagged consumption, fixed prices, production structure and disproportionality.[149]
There was a lag between when products were fabricated and when they were accessed to by the population, goods tended to stockpile. Yugoslavia raised its industrial prices by 17% and its agricultural prices by 32% from 1964 to 1965 while Czechoslovakia raised the prices of foodstuffs and services by 20% in 1966 and by 1967 prices were up by 30%. The production of consumer products also diminished in Yugoslavia, where the share of consumer products fell from 70% before World War II to 31% in 1965. Prices were fixed under the premise that it would force producers to behave more efficiently and as such the price-controlled products were produced in lower quantities. In Yugoslavia, the market distortion caused by the price fixing was realized and led to the un-freezing of prices in 1967. Hungary also had frozen prices and slowly unfroze them over a period of ten to fifteen years because otherwise the structural disproportions of the Hungarian economy would spin prices out of control. Many factories were kept running through government subsidies and protection despite any economic losses of the factories. This decreased overall efficiency of the socialist economies, increased the financial losses of those economies and caused them to have a disproportionate amount of available jobs and manpower. As argued by Ljubo Sirc, the "Soviet Union and other communist countries have the worst of both worlds: some enterprises or operations are inefficient because they are too capital-intensive, other enterprises or operations because they are too labour-intensive".[149]
The
The breakdown of economic ties that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union led to a severe economic crisis and catastrophic fall in
According to
Other have criticized the linking of all leftist and socialist ideals to the excesses of Stalinism
Development
Authoritarian socialism is best understood through an examination of its developmental history, allowing for the analysis and comparison of its various global examples. Although authoritarian socialism was by no means restricted to the Soviet Union, its ideological development occurred in tandem with the
Authoritarian socialist states were ideologically
The implementation of authoritarian forms of socialism was accomplished with a dogmatized ideology reinforced by terror and violence. The combination of those external controls served to implement a normality within an authoritarian country that seemed like illusion or madness to someone removed from its political atmosphere.[248] For many authoritarian socialist countries, their regimes were a mix of this form of external control-based totalitarianism (for intellectually and ideologically active members of society) and traditional or cultural authoritarianism (for the majority of the population).[248]
With the
Soviet Union
Despite the Marxian basis of Vladimir Lenin's socialism, the realities of his system were in direct opposition to Karl Marx's belief in the emancipation and autonomy of the working class.[246] Those contradictions stemmed primarily from Lenin's implementation of a vanguard or regimented party of committed revolutionaries "who knew exactly what history's mandate was and who were prepared to be its self-ordained custodians".[255] The function of this party was meant to be primarily transitional, given that Lenin believed that the working class was politically unprepared for rule and Russia was not yet industrially poised for socialism.[255]
Lenin adopted state-capitalist policies.
Unlike Stalin, who first claimed to have achieved socialism with the
In
Vladimir Lenin
Marx chronicled a
For some, Lenin's legacy was one of violent terror and concentration of power in the hands of few.[255] Lenin intentionally employed violence as a means to manipulate the population and tolerated absolutely no opposition, arguing that it was "a great deal better to 'discuss with rifles' than with the theses of the opposition".[255] He worked for the ideological destruction of society as a whole so that it could easily adopt the rhetoric and political ideals of the ruling party.[255] Lenin's use of terror (instilled by a secret police apparatus) to exact social obedience, mass murder and disappearance, censoring of communications and absence of justice was only reinforced by his successor Joseph Stalin.[255] In contrast to those who support this thesis,[284] others have disputed this characterization and separated Lenin from Stalin and Leninism from Stalinism.[285] A controversial figure, Lenin remains both reviled and revered,[286] a figure who has been both idolised and demonised.[287] This has extended into academic studies of Lenin and Leninism which have often been polarised along political lines.[288] While there have been both sympathetic and expressly hostile Lenin's biographies,[287] some sought to avoid making either hostile or positive comments about Lenin, thereby evading politicized stereotypes.[286][289] Some Marxist activists, who defend both the October Revolution and soviet democracy, emphasise how the Bolsheviks wanted to avoid terror and argue that the Red Terror was born in response to the White Terror which has been downplayed.[290][291][292]
Lenin has been variously described as "the century's most significant political leader",
Among sympathisers, Lenin was portrayed as having made a genuine adjustment of
Joseph Stalin
Stalin sought to rapidly industrialize the Soviet Union,
Despite failures, Stalin's expectations remained uncontested by the working class and the model was adopted by a multitude of emerging socialist states during that era. The Soviet attempt to
Among the
Other historians and scholars cautioned against "over-simplistic stereotypes" that portrayed Stalin as an omnipotent and omnipresent
With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the release of the archives, some of the heat has gone out of the debate and politicization has been reduced. It has been argued that the Soviet political system was not completely controlled from the center and that both Lenin and Stalin only responded to political events as they arose.
Although millions of Soviet citizens despised him, support for Stalin was nevertheless widespread throughout Soviet society.
China
Following the fall of the elite, land-owning class of the early 20th century, China began its Communist Revolution through the countryside. As relationships between agrarian masses and state-controlled programs splintered, the Chinese Communist Party led by Mao Zedong began seizing power.[357] In his 1949 essay On People's Democratic Dictatorship, Mao committed himself and the Chinese state to the creation of a strong state power with increased economic control.[357] He stressed the importance of an authoritarian state, where political order and unity could be established and maintained. Mao committed himself to unification in the vein of complete system overthrow.[357] As party chairman, Mao allowed himself complete control over the structure and execution of the party with his own cult of personality, an almost mythical position as a guardian of wisdom and charisma.[357]
With such power, Mao was able to influence popular opinions, allowing his agenda support without going through state-controlled measures. During the
Supporters credit Mao with driving
Praised as a political intellect, theorist, military strategist, poet and visionary,
Similarly, Maoist economics policies are controversial. Supporters argue that
Maoism
Maoism is an adapted Sino-centric version of Marxism–Leninism.[375] While believing in democratic centralism, where party decisions are brought about by scrutiny and debate and then are binding upon all members of the party once implemented, Mao did not accept dissenters to the party's decisions.[358] Through the Cultural Revolution and the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries, Mao attempted to purge any subversive idea—especially capitalist or Western threat—with heavy force, justifying his actions as the necessary way for the central authority to keep power.[358]
At the same time, Mao emphasized the importance of cultural heritage and individual choice as a way of creating this national unity. He described his ideal system as "a political situation in which there is both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of purpose and personal ease of mind and liveliness to facilitate the socialist revolution".[358] While the system advocates contradiction, Mao believed the state above all could provide the masses with the tools for their own expression, but his own brand of self-expression was wholly manufactured, built largely on replacing traditional practices and artifacts of Chinese culture with his own. Through this, transformation of the people towards an internal party collectiveness was possible.[358]
Notably, Mao's authoritarianism was rooted in a collective bottom-up style of empowerment. In his system, the proletariat and peasantry were responsible for rising up against the bureaucracy and capital of the state.
Post-Maoism
Following the
While arguing that "the 'China model' has become shorthand for economic liberalization without political liberalization", Kurlantzick cautiones that "China's model of development is actually more complex. It builds on earlier, state-centered Asian models of development such as in South Korea and Taiwan, while taking uniquely Chinese steps designed to ensure that the Communist Party remains central to economic and political policy-making". Kurlantzick argues that "the Beijing government maintains a high degree of control over the economy, but it is hardly returning to socialism". China developed "a hybrid form of capitalism in which it has opened its economy to some extent, but it also ensures the government controls strategic industries, picks corporate winners, determines investments by state funds, and pushes the banking sector to support national champion firms". Although noting that "China privatized many state firms" in the 1980s and 1990s, he states that "the central government still controls roughly 120 companies. [...] Working through these networks, the Beijing leadership sets state priorities, gives signals to companies, and determines corporate agendas, but does so without the direct hand of the state appearing in public".[252]
According to Kurlantzick, "government intervention in business is utilized, in a way not possible in a free-market democracy, to strengthen the power of the ruling regime and China's position internationally. [...] In short, the China model sees commerce as a means to promote national interests, and not just to empower (and potentially to make wealthy) individuals. And for over three decades, China's model of development has delivered staggering successes". Along with India, China is providing "virtually the only growth in the whole global economy" and in about thirty years the country has gone from a poor, mostly agrarian nation to the second-largest economy in the world.[252]
Arab world
Socialism was introduced into the Middle East in the form of
With the collapse of the
While some Trotskyists such as the
Resistance to democratisation
A great deal of debate has been paid by the field of comparative politics to how the Arab region was able to avoid the
Marsha Pripstein Posusney argues that the "patriarchal and tribal mentality of the culture is an impediment to the development of pluralist values", rendering Arab citizens prone to accept patriarchal leaders and lacking the national unity that many argue is necessary for democratization to be successful.[7] Eva Bellin concedes that the prevalence of Islam is a distinguishing factor of the region and therefore must contribute to the region's exceptionalism, "given Islam's presumed inhospitality to democracy".[7] Posusney argues that this "intrinsic incompatibility between democracy and Islam" remains unproven given that efforts to test this association quantitatively have failed to produce conclusive results.[7] Ethnic divisions in the area have also been cited as a factor as well as a weak civil society, a state-controlled economy, poverty, low literacy rates and inequality.[7][380]
In his book Debating Arab Authoritarianism: Dynamics and Durability in Nondemocratic Regimes, Oliver Schlumberger has argued that there is in fact an international ambivalence toward authoritarianism in the Middle East given that stability is preferred over the uncertainty of democratisation due to the region's oil and gas supplies and the strategic importance of its geopolitical location.[380]
Africa
During the
African leaders consistently viewed socialism as a direct rejection of the colonial system and in turn dismissed the notion of creating independent capitalist systems throughout the continent. They attempted to infuse various forms of socialism—some Marxist–Leninist, others democratic—into tailored ideologies specific to each country.[5] Once these systems were in place, countries developed towards a "focal institutional" society. According to sociologist William Friedland, societies adopted a totalitarian vision of rule, allowing one-party systems and institutions to "penetrate every sphere of private or public activity".[6]
Senegal
Senegalese President
After
Ghana
In the same vein as Senghor, socialist leader Kwame Nkrumah sought to advance this one-party, nationalized form of socialist obedience. Nkrumah stressed the importance of government-owned property and resources. He maintained that "production for private profit deprives a large section of the people of the goods and services produced", advocating public ownership to fit the "people's needs".[382] To accomplish this, Nkrumah emphasized the importance of discipline and obedience towards the single socialist party. He argued that if people submitted and accepted the singular party's program, political independence would be possible.[382] By 1965, his one-party rule had produced an Assembly entirely made up of his own party members.[383]
Nkrumah saw law as a malleable weapon of political power, not as a product of a complex system of political institutions.
Tanzania
Julius Nyerere attempted to socialist reform for Tanzania following those in Ghana and Senegal. The tenets of his initiatives were to promote the Tanzanian economy; secure state control over development; create a sole political party called the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) which would be under his control; and share the benefits of all gathered income.[385]
The system—called ujaama—became a tool for nationalization of the
The first wave of elections in the Tanzanian general election produced a 100% voting rate for TANU officials.[387][388]
Latin America
Critics claim that this form of socialism in Latin America acts as a façade for authoritarianism. The charisma of figures like Hugo Chávez and mottoes such as "Country, Socialism, or Death!" have drawn comparisons to the Latin American dictators and caudillos of the past.[392] According to Steven Levitsky, only under "the dictatorships of the past [...] were presidents reelected for life", with Levitsky further stating that while Latin America experienced democracy, citizens opposed "indefinite reelection, because of the dictatorships of the past".[8] Levitsky then noted how in Ecuador, Nicaragua and Venezuela "reelection is associated with the same problems of 100 years ago".[8]
In 2014,
Although socialists have welcomed a socialism of the 21st century, they have been skeptical of Latin America's examples and criticized their authoritarian qualities and occasional cults of personality. While citing their progressive role, they argue that the appropriate label for these governments is populism rather than socialism.
Venezuela
Using record-high oil revenues of the 2000s, his government nationalized key industries, created
On 2 June 2010, Chávez declared an economic war due to
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In 2015, The Economist argued that the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela—now under Nicolás Maduro after Chávez's death in 2013—was devolving from authoritarianism to dictatorship as opposition politicians were jailed for plotting to undermine the government, violence was widespread and independent media shut down.[456] Chávez and Maduro administrations' economic policies led to shortages, a high inflation rate and a dysfunctional economy.[457] The government has attributed Venezuela's economic problems to the decline in oil prices, sanctions imposed by the United States and economic sabotage by the opposition.[458] Western media coverage of Chávez and other Latin American leaders from the 21st-century socialist movement has been criticized as unfair by their supporters and left-leaning media critics.[459][460]
Broadly,
Despite its socialist rhetoric, chavismo has been frequently described as being
According to Kirk A. Hawkins, scholars are generally divided into two camps, namely a
Analysis and reception
Left-wing
Left-wing critics argue that it is a form of
Anarchism and Marxism
Many
American Marxist
Left communism
Critical of the economy and government of socialist states,
Although most Marxist–Leninists distinguish between communism and socialism, Bordiga, who did consider himself a
Other left communists such as the
Libertarian communism and socialism
A variety of non-state, libertarian communist and socialist positions reject the concept of a socialist state altogether, believing that the modern state is a byproduct of capitalism and cannot be used for the establishment of a socialist system. They reason that a socialist state is antithetical to socialism and that socialism will emerge spontaneously from the
Anti-authoritarian communists and socialists such as anarchists, other democratic and libertarian socialists as well as revolutionary syndicalists and left communists[143][514] claim that the so-called socialist states cannot be called socialist because they actually presided over state capitalist[136][137][138] or non-planned administrative economies.[67][68] Those socialists who oppose any system of state control whatsoever believe in a more decentralized approach which puts the means of production directly into the hands of the workers rather than indirectly through state bureaucracies[484][485] which they claim represent a new elite or class.[515][516][517][518]
This leads them to consider state socialism a form of state capitalism (an economy based on centralized management, capital accumulation and wage labor, but with the state owning the means of production)
Trotskyism
Some
Trotsky believed that regardless of their intellectual capacity, central planners operate without the input and participation of the millions of people who participate in the economy that can understand and respond to local conditions and changes in the economy. In advocating a
Some Trotskyists have emphasised Trotsky's
Right-wing
Right-wing criticism is mainly related to
In their broader critique of socialism, right-wing commentators have emphasised the lack of democracy in socialist states that are considered to be authoritarian or undemocratic, arguing that democracy and socialism are incompatible. Chicago School economist Milton Friedman argued that a "society which is socialist cannot also be democratic" in the sense of "guaranteeing individual freedom".[13] Sociologist Robert Nisbet, a philosophical conservative who began his career as a leftist, argued in 1978 that there is "not a single free socialism to be found anywhere in the world".[13] For anti-communist academic Richard Pipes, the tendency to "merge political and economic power" is "implicit in socialism" and authoritarianism is "virtually inevitable".[13]
According to the Hungarian-born political sociologist and communist-studies scholar
See also
- Anti-authoritarianism
- Authoritarian capitalism
- Libertarian socialism
- State capitalism
- State socialism
- Tankie
References
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- ^ ISBN 9780801480072. Retrieved 19 December 2014.
- ^ Barrett (1978): "If we were to extend the definition of socialism to include Labor Britain or socialist Sweden, there would be no difficulty in refuting the connection between capitalism and democracy."; Heilbroner et al. (1991); Kendall (2011), pp. 125–127: "Sweden, Great Britain, and France have mixed economies, sometimes referred to as democratic socialism—an economic and political system that combines private ownership of some of the means of production, governmental distribution of some essential goods and services, and free elections. For example, government ownership in Sweden is limited primarily to railroads, mineral resources, a public bank, and liquor and tobacco operations."; Li (2015), pp. 60–69: "The scholars in the camp of democratic socialism believe that China should draw on the Sweden experience, which is suitable not only for the West but also for China. In post-Mao China, the Chinese intellectuals are confronted with a variety of models. The liberals favour the American model and share the view that the Soviet model has become archaic and should be abandoned. Meanwhile, democratic socialism in Sweden provided an alternative model. Its sustained economic development and extensive welfare programs fascinated many. Numerous scholars within the democratic socialist camp argue that China should model itself politically and economically on Sweden, which is viewed as more genuinely socialist than China. There is a growing consensus among them that in the Nordic countries the welfare state has been extraordinarily successful in eliminating poverty."
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We have mentioned several cases of this conviction that socialism is the business of a new ruling minority, non-capitalist in nature and therefore guaranteed pure, imposing its own domination either temporarily (for a mere historical era) or even permanently. In either case, this new ruling class is likely to see its goal as an Education Dictatorship over the masses — to Do Them Good, of course — the dictatorship being exercised by an elite party which suppresses all control from below, or by benevolent despots or Savior-Leaders of some kind, or by Shaw's 'Supermen,' by eugenic manipulators, by Proudhon's 'anarchist' managers or Saint-Simon's technocrats or their more modern equivalents — with up-to-date terms and new verbal screens which can be hailed as fresh social theory as against 'nineteenth-century Marxism.'
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Kautiliya polity was based on a considerable amount of socialism and nationalisation of industries.
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There is no reason why in a free society government should not assure to all, protection against severe deprivation in the form of an assured minimum income, or a floor below which nobody need to descend. To enter into such an insurance against extreme misfortune may well be in the interest of all; or it may be felt to be a clear moral duty of all to assist, within the organised community, those who cannot help themselves. So long as such a uniform minimum income is provided outside the market to all those who, for any reason, are unable to earn in the market an adequate maintenance, this need not lead to a restriction of freedom, or conflict with the Rule of Law.
- ^ Klein, Ezra (9 July 2010). "Hayek on Social Insurance". The Washington Post. Retrieved 22 June 2019.
There is no reason why, in a society which has reached the general level of wealth ours has, the first kind of security should not be guaranteed to all without endangering general freedom; that is: some minimum of food, shelter and clothing, sufficient to preserve health. Nor is there any reason why the state should not help to organize a comprehensive system of social insurance in providing for those common hazards of life against which few can make adequate provision.
- ISBN 9780226315393.
- ISBN 9780851245454.
- ^ Epstein, Richard A. (1999). "Hayekian Socialism". Maryland Law Review. 58 (271). Retrieved 22 June 2019.
- ISBN 9780226315393. "There is no reason why in a society which has reached the general level of wealth which ours has attained [that security against severe physical privation, the certainty of a given minimum of sustenance for all; or more briefly, the security of a minimum income] should not be guaranteed to all without endangering general freedom. There are difficult questions about the precise standard which should thus be assured [...] but there can be no doubt that some minimum of food, shelter, and clothing, sufficient to preserve health and the capacity to work, can be assured to everybody. Indeed, for a considerable part of the population of England this sort of security has long been achieved.
Nor is there any reason why the state should not assist [...] individuals in providing for those common hazards of life against which, because of their uncertainty, few individuals can make adequate provision. Where, as in the case of sickness and accident, neither the desire to avoid such calamities nor the efforts to overcome their consequences are as a rule weakened by the provision of assistance – where, in short, we deal with genuinely insurable risks – the case for the state's helping to organize a comprehensive system of social insurance is very strong. [...] [And] there is no incompatibility in principle between the state's providing greater security in this way and the preservation of individual freedom. Wherever communal action can mitigate disasters against which the individual can neither attempt to guard himself nor make the provision for the consequences, such communal action should undoubtedly be taken." - ISBN 9780393083118.
- ^ Harcourt, Bernard (12 September 2012). "How Paul Ryan enslaves Friedrich Hayek's The Road to Serfdom". The Guardian. London. Retrieved 27 December 2014.
- OCLC 173706.
- (PDF) from the original on 12 April 2013. Retrieved 11 April 2013.
- .
- ^ a b Friedman, Milton (30 January 1999). "Mr. Market". Hoover Institution. Archived from the original on 23 September 2018. Retrieved 22 September 2018.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-226-26421-9.
- ^ Frank, Robert H. (23 November 2006). "The Other Milton Friedman: A Conservative With a Social Welfare Program". The New York Times. New York. Archived from the original on 1 July 2017. Retrieved 22 February 2017.
- ^ Kinsella, Stephan (10 June 2005). "Friedman and Socialism". Mises Wire. Mises Institute. Retrieved 21 April 2020.
- ISBN 9780865976313.
There is no mixture of the two systems possible or thinkable; there is no such thing as a mixed economy, a system that would be in part capitalistic and in part socialist.
- ISBN 9780865976313.
The fact that the state or municipalities own and operate some plants does not alter the characteristic features of a market economy. These publicly owned and operated enterprises are subject to the sovereignty of the market. They must fit themselves, as buyers of raw materials, equipment, and labour, and as sellers of goods and services, into the scheme of the market economy. They are subject to the laws of the market and thereby depend on the consumers who may or may not patronize them. They must strive for profits, or at least, to avoid losses.
- ISBN 9780875580692 – via Marxists Internet Archive.
To be sure, 'orthodox Marxism' maintains that the mixed economy is still the capitalism of old, just as 'orthodox' bourgeois theory insists that the mixed economy is a camouflaged form of socialism. Generally, however, both the state-capitalist and mixed economies are recognized as economic systems adhering to the principle of progress by way of capital accumulation.
- ^ .
- ^ ISBN 9780230546974.
In the USSR in the late 1980s the system was normally referred to as the 'administrative-command' economy. What was fundamental to this system was not the plan but the role of administrative hierarchies at all levels of decision making; the absence of control over decision making by the population [...].
- ^ ISBN 9781448130672.
- ^ a b Reinhardt, Uwe E. (8 May 2009). "What Is 'Socialized Medicine'?: A Taxonomy of Health Care Systems". Economix. The New York Times Company. The New York Times. Retrieved 15 July 2020.
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The directive was drafted by Senator Taft at that famous breakfast in New York City a few weeks ago. Senator Taft left that meeting and told the press what the General stands for. Taft explained that the great issue in this campaign is "creeping socialism." Now that is the patented trademark of the special interest lobbies. Socialism is a scare word they have hurled at every advance the people have made in the last 20 years. Socialism is what they called public power. Socialism is what they called social security. Socialism is what they called farm price supports. Socialism is what they called bank deposit insurance. Socialism is what they called the growth of free and independent labor organizations. Socialism is their name for almost anything that helps all the people. When the Republican candidate inscribes the slogan "Down With Socialism" on the banner of his "great crusade," that is really not what he means at all. What he really means is, "Down with Progress—down with Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal," and "down with Harry Truman's Fair Deal." That is what he means.
- ^ a b Jackson, Samuel (6 January 2012). "The failure of American political speech". The Economist. Retrieved 15 July 2020.
Socialism is not "the government should provide healthcare" or "the rich should be taxed more" nor any of the other watery social-democratic positions that the American right likes to demonise by calling them "socialist"—and granted, it is chiefly the right that does so, but the fact that rightists are so rarely confronted and ridiculed for it means that they have successfully muddied the political discourse to the point where an awful lot of Americans have only the flimsiest grasp of what socialism is.
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- ISBN 9780930439231.
It cannot be denied that Fascism and similar movements aiming at the establishment of dictatorships are full of the best intentions and that their intervention has, for the moment, saved European civilization. The merit that Fascism has thereby won for itself will live on eternally in history. But though its policy has brought salvation for the moment, it is not of the kind which could promise continued success. Fascism was an emergency makeshift. To view it as something more would be a fatal error.
- Journal of Libertarian Studies. 12 (1): 1–27.
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- ISBN 0415193540.
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The Allende government that Pinochet overthrew in 1973 had been elected in 1970 on a platform of pioneering a democratic road to a democratic socialism.
- ^ Patsouras, Louis (2005). Marx in Context. iUniverse. p. 265.
In Chile, where a large democratic socialist movement was in place for decades, a democratic socialist, Salvadore Allende, led a popular front electoral coalition, including Communists, to victory in 1970.
- ^ Medina, Eden (2014). Cybernetic Revolutionaries: Technology and Politics in Allende's Chile. MIT Press. p. 39.
[...] in Allende's democratic socialism.
- ^ Mabry, Don (1975). "Chile: Allende's Rise and Fall". Archived 30 October 2006 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 12 July 2019.
- ^ "Profile of Salvador Allende". BBC News. 8 September 2003. Retrieved 12 July 2019.
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- ^ Letter from Arnold Harberger to Stig Ramel as reprinted in The Wall Street Journal on 12 October 1976.
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Austrians have overused the economic calculation argument. In the absence of detailed empirical evidence showing that this particular problem is the most important one, it is just another argument out of hundreds on the list of arguments against socialism. How do we know that the problem of work effort, or innovation, or the underground economy, or any number of other problems were not more important than the calculation problem?
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- ^ ISBN 978-0-15-512403-5.
Almost all industry in the Soviet Union is government owned and all production is directed, in theory, by a central plan (though in practice much is left for local discretion and much happens that is unplanned or not under government control).
- ISBN 978-0-262-18234-8.
In a command economy the most important allocation decisions are made by government authorities and are imposed by law.
- ^ Mandel, Ernest (September–October 1986). "In defense of socialist planning". New Left Review. I (159): 5–37.
Planning is not equivalent to 'perfect' allocation of resources, nor 'scientific' allocation, nor even 'more humane' allocation. It simply means 'direct' allocation, ex ante. As such, it is the opposite of market allocation, which is ex post.
See also the PDF version. - ISBN 978-0-415-91967-8.
For an Anti-Stalinist Marxist, socialism is defined by the degree to which the society is planned. Planning here is understood as the conscious regulation of society by the associated producers themselves. Put it differently, the control over the surplus product rests with the majority of the population through a resolutely democratic process. [...] The sale of labour power is abolished and labour necessarily becomes creative. Everyone participates in running their institutions and society as a whole. No one controls anyone else.
- ^ ISBN 9780582500150.
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- JSTOR 40370022. Retrieved 22 April 2020.
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In short, Gorbachev aimed to lead the Soviet Union towards the Scandinavian social democratic model.
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- JSTOR 2697429.
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- JSTOR 206491.
- S2CID 49573923.
- JSTOR 40260182.
- S2CID 142217169.
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Because many communists now call themselves democratic socialists, it is sometimes difficult to know what a political label really means. As a result, social democratic has become a common new label for democratic socialist political parties.
- ISBN 9781442258266.
In the 1990s, following the collapse of the communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the breakup of the Soviet Union, social democracy was adopted by some of the old communist parties. Hence, parties such as the Czech Social Democratic Party, the Bulgarian Social Democrats, the Estonian Social Democratic Party, and the Romanian Social Democratic Party, among others, achieved varying degrees of electoral success. Similar processes took place in Africa as the old communist parties were transformed into social democratic ones, even though they retained their traditional titles [...].
- ISBN 9780300175387.
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- ^ a b Bovin, A. E. "Kazarmennyy kommunizm" Казарменный коммунизм [Barracks communism]. Great Soviet Encyclopedia (in Russian). Retrieved 23 April 2020.
- ISBN 9780521291309.
- ^ ISBN 9781876646035.
- ^ Kimball (1973), pp. 491–514; McClellan (1973), pp. 546–553; Wallace (1992); Mayer (1993), pp. 249–263; Read (2005); Rakitin (2019)
- ^ a b Busgalin, Alexander; Mayer, Günter (2008). "Kasernenkommunismus" [Barracks Communism]. Historisch-kritisches Wörterbuch des Marxismus (in German). Vol. 7. Spalten. pp. 407–411. (PDF text)
- ISBN 9781134024056.
- ISBN 9781136231438.
- ISBN 9780191667527.
The 1936 Constitution described the Soviet Union for the first time as a 'socialist society', rhetorically fulfilling the aim of building socialism in one country, as Stalin had promised.
- ISBN 9781108424813.
- JSTOR 3516910.
- ISBN 0873323238.
- ISBN 9780275947637.
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- ISBN 9781136793455.
- ^ Lenin, Vladimir (1965) [1921]. "The Tax in Kind". Lenin Collected Works (1st English ed.). 32. Moscow: Progress Publishers. pp. 329–365. Retrieved 23 April 2020. "No one, I think, in studying the question of the economic system of Russia, has denied its transitional character. Nor, I think, has any Communist denied that the term Soviet Socialist Republic implies the determination of the Soviet power to achieve the transition to socialism, and not that the existing economic system is recognised as a socialist order."
- ISBN 978-1-139-44663-1.
- JSTOR j.ctt1npd80.
- ^ a b Service 2000.
- ISBN 978-0-304-31814-8.
- ^ a b Pipes 1996.
- ISBN 9780195002737.
- ^ Service 2004, p. 5.
- ^ Sandle 1999, pp. 265–266.
- ^ Leggett (1986); Service (1990), pp. 16–19; Pipes (1997); Radzinsky (1997); Pipes (2003); Applebaum (2014)
- ^ Deutscher (2003); Medvedev (1982); Gill (1998); Lewin (2005)
- ^ a b c d e Ryan 2012.
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- ISBN 9781608466092.
The revolution made the mistake of showing magnanimity to the leader of the Cossack attack. He should have been shot on the spot. [...] He was to go off to put the Don region to fire and the sword. [...] The Whites massacre the workers in the Arsenal and the Kremlin: the Reds release their mortal enemy, General Krasnov, on parole.
- ^ Woods, Alan (7 November 2019). "The Russian Revolution: The Meaning of October". In Defence of Marxism. International Marxist Tendency. Retrieved 21 April 2020.
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- ISBN 9780333721575.
- ^ Service 2000, p. 488.
- ^ Read 2005, p. 283.
- ^ Ryan 2012, p. 5.
- ^ ISBN 9781842122303.
- ^ ISBN 9780140208092.
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Socialism can result in diverse outcomes that range from the economy of Norway to that of Venezuela, and socialist leaders who vary as widely as Bolivia's Evo Morales and France's former President François Hollande. [...] Venezuela's problems stem from corruption and egregious mismanagement, which can happen anywhere. Countries with socialist regimes such as China, Vietnam, Chile and many in Europe have managed to successfully grow their economies as Venezuela's has tumbled.
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Since the turn of the century, every big country in South America except Colombia has elected a socialist president at some point. Socialists have taken power in South America's largest economy (Brazil), in its poorest (Bolivia) and in its most capitalist (Chile). Socialists have led South America's most stable country (Uruguay) as well as its most unstable (Ecuador). Argentina and Peru elected leftists who, for various reasons, didn't refer to themselves as socialists — but certainly governed as such. Mysteriously, the supposedly automatic link between socialism and the zombie apocalypse skipped all of them. Not content with merely not-collapsing, a number of these countries have thrived.
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In a broad historical sense Chávez has undoubtedly played a progressive role but he is clearly not a democratic socialist [...]
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The wrong left, by contrast, was said to be populist, old-fashioned, and irresponsible [...].
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South America, a historical bastion of populism, has always had a penchant for the left, but the continent's predilection for unsustainable welfarism might be approaching a dramatic end. [...] This "pink tide" also included the rise of populist ideologies in some of these countries, such as Kirchnerismo in Argentina, Chavismo in Venezuela, and Lulopetismo in Brazil.
- ^ "Maduro: "El camarada Stalin se parecía a mí. Mira el bigote, igualito"" [Maduro: "Comrade Stalin looked a lot like me. Look at the mustache, it's just the same]. ABC (in Spanish). 13 March 2015. Retrieved 21 June 2020.
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Finally, it is important to realize that the reductions in poverty and inequality during the Chávez years were real, but somewhat superficial. While indicators of income and consumption showed clear progress, the harder-to-change characteristics of structural poverty and inequality, such as the quality of housing, neighborhoods, education, and employment, remained largely unchanged
. - ^ "Chávez declara "guerra económica" a burguesía en Venezuela" [Chávez declares "economic war" against the bourgeoisie in Venezuela]. El Universo (in Spanish). 2 June 2010. Retrieved 16 July 2018.
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- ^ "A slow-motion coup. The authoritarian regime is becoming a naked dictatorship. The region must react". The Economist. 28 February 2015. Retrieved 12 June 2015.
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I never described Chavez's state capitalist government as 'socialist' or even hinted at such an absurdity. It was quite remote from socialism. Private capitalism remained. [...] Capitalists were free to undermine the economy in all sorts of ways, like massive export of capital.
- ^ Toussaint, Eric (24 June 2010). "The Venezuelan economy: in transition towards socialism? (Part 3)". Series: Bolivarian Venezuela at the crossroads. Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debt. Retrieved 17 June 2020.
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Chavismo is not an adequate description of the social movement that makes up Chávez's political base, since many organizations predate his rise to political power, and their leaders and cadre have a sophisticated understanding of their relationship with Chávez. Over the last couple of years, a number of social scientists have done field work in urban barrios, and their findings confirm that this synergy between the central government and participatory local organizations has expanded, not restricted, debate and that democracy is thriving in Venezuela. Chavismo has ripped open the straitjacket of post–Cold War Latin American discourse, particularly the taboo against government regulation of the economy and economic redistribution. Public policy, including economic policy, is now open to discussion and, importantly, popular influence. This is in sharp contrast to Costa Rica, where a few months ago its Supreme Court, with the support of its executive branch, prohibited public universities from not just opposing but even debating the Central American Free Trade Agreement, which soon won a national referendum by a razor-thin margin.
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Hugo Chávez based his popularity on his extraordinary charisma, lots of discretionary money, and a key and well-tested political message: denouncing the past and promising a better future for all. The country's widespread student protests now symbolize the demise of this message. Venezuelans younger than 30 years of age (the majority of the population) have not known any government other than that of Chávez or Maduro. For them, "Chavismo" is the past. As for the promises of a better future: The results are in. The catastrophic consequences of Chávez's 21st-century socialism are impossible to mask any longer and the government has run out of excuses. Blaming the CIA, the "fascist opposition", or "dark international forces", as Maduro and his allies customarily do, has become fodder for parodies flooding YouTube. The concrete effects of 15 years of Chavismo are all too visible in empty shelves and overflowing morgues.
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The viceroys of the colonial era set the pattern. They centralised power and bought the loyalty of local interest groups. [...] Caudillos, dictators and elected presidents continued the tradition of personalising power. Venezuela's Chavismo and the Kirchnerismo of Ms Fernández are among today's manifestations.
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But there are still others (concepts and institutions) which by virtue of their nature cannot stand transplantation and always carry the flavor of a particular institutional framework. It is extremely dangerous, in fact it amounts to a distortion of historical description, to use them beyond the social world or culture whose denizens they are. Now ownership or property – also, so I believe, taxation – are such denizens of the world of commercial society, exactly as knights and fiefs are denizens of the feudal world. But so is the state (a denizen of commercial society).
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It should not be forgotten, however, that in the period of the Second International, some of the reformist currents of Marxism, as well as some of the extreme left-wing ones, not to speak of the anarchist groups, had already criticised the view that State ownership and central planning is the best road to socialism. But with the victory of Leninism in Russia, all dissent was silenced, and socialism became identified with 'democratic centralism', 'central planning', and State ownership of the means of production.
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By 1888, the term 'socialism' was in general use among Marxists, who had dropped 'communism', now considered an old fashioned term meaning the same as 'socialism'. [...] At the turn of the century, Marxists called themselves socialists. [...] The definition of socialism and communism as successive stages was introduced into Marxist theory by Lenin in 1917 [...], the new distinction was helpful to Lenin in defending his party against the traditional Marxist criticism that Russia was too backward for a socialist revolution.
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A new phrase, state-capitalism, has been widely used in mC20, with precedents from eC20, to describe forms of state ownership in which the original conditions of the definition – centralized ownership of the means of production, leading to a system of wage-labour – have not really changed.
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At the heart of its vision has been social or common ownership of the means of production. Common ownership and democratic control of these was far more central to the thought of the early socialists than state control or nationalization, which developed later. [...] Nationalization in itself has nothing particularly to do with socialism and has existed under non-socialist and anti-socialist regimes. Kautsky in 1891 pointed out that a 'co-operative commonwealth' could not be the result of the 'general nationalization of all industries' unless there was a change in 'the character of the state'
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[Leon Trotsky] also touches on many other vital issues for Marxists: on the absolute necessity for democratic control and management of the future workers' state as well as the necessary instrument to create that state: a mass party of the working class. Indeed, if there was one central theme of the book it is this: what kind of party is necessary to replace capitalism with a worldwide democratic socialist revolution?
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The Prague Spring was a movement with the potential to develop into a socialist political revolution against the Communist Party (CP) bureaucracy [...].
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These two self-styled socialisms are very different, but they have more in common than they think. The social democracy has typically dreamed of "socializing" capitalism from above. Its principle has always been that increased state intervention in society and economy is per se socialistic. It bears a fatal family resemblance to the Stalinist conception of imposing something called socialism from the top down, and of equating statification with socialism. Both have their roots in the ambiguous history of the socialist idea.
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What became known as the socialist calculation debate started when von Mises (1935 [1920]) launched a critique of socialism.
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Further reading
- Arato, Andrew (1982). "Critical Sociology and Authoritarian State Socialism". In Held, David; Thompson, John (eds.). Habermas (paperback ed.). ISBN 978-0-333-27551-1.
- Arato, Andrew (1983). "Immanent Critique and Authoritarian Socialism". JSTOR 41801955.
- Arato, Andrew (1991). "Social Theory, Civil Society, and the Transformation of Authoritarian Socialism". In Arato, Andrew; Feher, Ferenc (eds.). Crisis and Reform in Eastern Europe. New Brunswick, New Jersey: ISBN 9781412820677.
- Arato, Andrew (2016). From Neo-Marxism to Democratic Theory: Essays on the Critical Theory of Soviet-type Societies: Essays on the Critical Theory of Soviet-type Societies. ISBN 9781315487717.
- Barnes, Ian (2003). "A fascist Trojan horse: Maurice Bardegraceche, fascism and authoritarian socialism". Patterns of Prejudice. 37 (2): 177–194. S2CID 144887261.
- Lingle, Christopher (1990). "Strategies of structural reform of authoritarian socialism: The role of private property and markets". Communist Economics. 2 (4): 499–507. .
- Meijer, Roel (2002). The Quest for Modernity: Secular Liberal and Left-wing Political Thought in Egypt, 1945–1958. ISBN 9780700712472.
- Swilling, Mark (May 1992). "Socialism, Democracy and Civil Society: The Case for Associational Socialism". Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory (79). JSTOR 41801955.
