Feminism in Germany

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Feminism in Germany as a modern movement began during the

Wilhelmine period (1888–1918) with individual women and women's rights groups pressuring a range of traditional institutions, from universities to government, to open their doors to women. This movement culminated in women's suffrage
in 1919. Later waves of feminist activists pushed to expand women's rights.

History

Medieval period to Early Modern era

The status of women varied, depending on regions and eras. Ottonian sources rate the value of women just as highly as men, except when it comes to physical power. The Saxon tradition assigned women an equal role in the family, which contributed to the powerful roles empresses and abbesses held in the Ottonian era.[1][2]

Feminism in Germany has its earliest roots in the lives of women who challenged conventional gender roles as early as the

Medieval period
.

newborns, when female infants were given a lesser value than male infants. The use of physical force against wives was condoned until the 18th century in Bavarian law.[3]
: 405 

Some women of means asserted their influence during the Middle Ages, typically in royal court or convent settings. Hildegard of Bingen, Gertrude the Great, Elisabeth of Bavaria (1478–1504), and Argula von Grumbach are among the women who pursued independent accomplishments in fields as diverse as medicine, music composition, religious writing, and government and military politics.

The historian and playwright

Hrosvitha is sometimes considered the first feminist.[4]

Enlightenment and early 19th century

Legal recognition of women's rights in Germany came more slowly than in some other countries, such as

General state laws for the Prussian states of 1794. Property rights were also slow to change. During the late 19th century, married women still had no property rights, requiring a male guardian to administer property on their behalf (exceptions were made for cases involving imprisoned or absent husbands). Any woman who had inherited an artisan business had some freedom in practice to run the business, but she was not permitted to attend guild meetings, and had to send a male to represent her interests. Tradition dictated that "the state recognizes a burgher but not a burgess".[3]
: 406 

The

Kulturgeschichte (culture history) trend in the first decades of the 20th century.[3]
: 407 

Feminist ideas still began to spread, and some radical women became outspoken in promoting the cause of women's rights. Sophie Mereau launched the Almanach für Frauen (Women's Almanac) in 1784.[3]: 407  Feminism as a movement began to gain ground toward the end of the 19th century, although it did not yet include a strong push to extend suffrage to German women. Some women who worked for women's rights were in fact opposed to extending the vote to women, a stance that became more widespread at the turn of the 20th century, when many Germans were concerned that granting women the vote would result in more votes for socialists.[3]: 407 

Wilhelmine Germany

Germany's unification process after 1871 was heavily dominated by men and gave priority to the "Fatherland" theme and related male issues, such as military prowess.

Nazi regime disbanded the organization.[6]

The BDF gave national direction to the proliferating women's organizations that had sprung up since the 1860s. From the beginning the BDF was a bourgeois organization, its members working toward equality with men in such areas as education, financial opportunities, and political life. Working-class women were not welcome; they were organized by the Socialists.[7]

Formal organizations for promoting women's rights grew in numbers during the Wilhelmine period. German feminists began to network with feminists from other countries, and participated in the growth of international organizations;

contraception and abortion, and reforms to divorce laws. Stritt was active as a member and leader in many German feminist organizations during the late 19th century and early 20th century, including:[8]

  • League for the Protection of Motherhood and Social Reform
  • Reform
  • Federation of German Women's Associations (FGWA)

The FGWA had been moderate in its positions until 1902, then launched a campaign to reform

the civil code, but the campaign failed to bring about any changes. Stritt found herself on the radical edge of Germany's feminist movement, spearheading the German Association for Women's Suffrage from 1911 until it disbanded in 1919, having achieved the goal of women's suffrage in November of that year.[8]

Socialist feminists were active in promoting the rights of working-class women. Socialist, communist, and social democratic organizations had feminist members, who promoted women's rights with mixed success. During the rise of nationalism in this era, one Fascist organization that was vocally anti-feminist was the German National Association of Commercial Employees (Deutschnationaler Handlungsgehilfenverband, or DHV), which promoted the interests of the merchant class.[9] There was little opportunity for feminists of the working class and feminists of the middle or upper classes to work together. The expansion of Germany's industrial economy during the 1890s and up to World War I had brought more women into the labour force. However, cooperation between the social classes was "unfeasible" at the time.[10]

Women's emancipation was attained despite pressure from The German League for the Prevention of Women's Emancipation, which numbered several hundred supporters and was active beginning in 1912, disbanding in 1920. The antifeminist sentiment among some Germans reflected a variety of arguments against women's emancipation:

The arguments against women's emancipation varied but often included sentiments regarding the inferiority of women and women's subjugation to men as determined by God or by nature. More frequently and sometimes additionally, they included charges that a change in women's position in society would be morally wrong, against tradition, and would trigger a decline of the importance of the family. Such arguments sometimes surfaced as protective and paternalistic justifications, e.g., the desire to "shield" women from the public sphere.[11]

Writer Hedwig Dohm gave some impetus to the feminist movement in Germany with her writings during the late 19th century, with her argument that women's roles were created by society rather than being a biological imperative. During this period, a wider range of feminist writings from other languages were being translated into German, deepening the feminist discourse further for German women.

Access to education

In Sex in Education, Or, A Fair Chance for Girls (1873), educator Edward H. Clarke researched educational standards in Germany. He found that by the 1870s, formal education for middle and upper-class girls was the norm in Germany's cities, although it ended at the onset of menarche, which typically happened when a girl was 15 or 16. After this, her education might continue at home with tutors or occasional lectures. Clarke concluded that "Evidently the notion that a boy's education and a girl's education should be the same, and that the same means the boy's, has not yet penetrated the German mind. This has not yet evolved the idea of the identical education of the sexes."[12] Education for peasant girls was not formal, and they learned farming and housekeeping tasks from their parents. This prepared them for a life of harsh labour on the farm. On a visit to Germany, Clarke observed that:

"German peasant girls and women work in the field and shop with and like men. None who have seen their stout and brawny arms can doubt the force with which they wield the hoe and axe. I once saw, in the streets of Coblentz, a woman and a donkey yoked to the same cart, while a man, with a whip in his hand, drove the team. The bystanders did not seem to look upon the moving group as if it were an unusual spectacle.[13]

Young middle class and upper-class women began to pressure their families and the universities to allow them access to higher education. Anita Augspurg, the first woman university graduate in Germany, graduated with a law degree from the University of Zurich, Switzerland. Several other German women, unable to gain admittance to German universities, also went to the University of Zurich to continue their education. In 1909, German universities finally allowed women to gain admittance—but women graduates were unable to practice their profession, as they were "barred from private practice and public administrative posts for lawyers".[14] The first women's legal aid agency was established by Marie Stritt in 1894; by 1914, there were 97 such legal aid agencies, some employing women law graduates.[14]

Weimar Germany

Following women's enfranchisement, women's rights made significant gains in Germany during the

House of Representatives); this climbed to 35 women deputies in the Reichstag in 1933 on the eve of the Nazi dictatorship, when Great Britain still had only 15 women members in the House of Commons.[16]

The umbrella group of feminist organizations, the Bund Deutscher Frauenvereine (BDF; Federation of German Women's Associations), remained the dominant force in German feminism during the inter-war period. It had around 300,000 members at the start of World War I, growing to over 900,000 members during the 1920s; it has been noted, however, that the middle-class membership was far from radical, and promoted maternal "clichés" and "bourgeois responsibilities".[17] Other feminist groups were organized around religious faiths, and there were many Catholic, Protestant, and Jewish feminist groups.

Prominent feminists of this era included

KPD Reichstag delegate from 1920 to 1933).[18] The 1920s also saw the rise of the "New Woman" (Neue Frau), as portrayed by authors such as Elsa Herrmann (So ist die neue Frau, 1929) and Irmgard Keun
(Das kunstseidene Mädchen, 1932, translated as The Artificial Silk Girl, 1933).

  • Mother and Twins (1927/37) by Expressionist sculptor Käthe Kollwitz
    Mother and Twins (1927/37) by
    Expressionist sculptor Käthe Kollwitz
  • An issue of the lesbian periodical, Die Freundin, 1928
    An issue of the lesbian periodical, Die Freundin, 1928
  • League of German Girls (Bund Deutscher Mädel or BDM) gymnastics performance, 1941
    League of German Girls (Bund Deutscher Mädel or BDM) gymnastics performance, 1941
  • Women doing their wash at a cold water hydrant in a Berlin street, July 1945
    Women doing their wash at a cold water hydrant in a Berlin street, July 1945

The Weimar Republic was an era of political fragmentation in Germany. Along with the economic chaos of the inter-war years, Weimar culture in general had a degree of social chaos, which was experienced in the city of Berlin in particular. War widows and their children struggled to earn a living in a city where hunger, unemployment, and crime were rampant. At the same time, a liberation of social mores meant that women had a social freedom they had not experienced until then. Socialists and communists in particular became open in demanding free access to contraception and abortion, asserting, "Your body belongs to you".[19]

Nazi era

Historians have paid special attention to Nazi Germany's efforts to reverse the gains that women made before 1933, especially during the liberal Weimar Republic.[20] It appears the role of women in Nazi Germany changed according to circumstances. Theoretically, the Nazis believed that women must be subservient to men, avoid careers, devote themselves to childbearing and child-rearing, and be a helpmate of the traditional dominant father in the traditional family.[21] However, before 1933, women played important roles in the Nazi organization and were allowed some autonomy to mobilize other women. After Adolf Hitler came to power in 1933, the activist women were replaced by bureaucratic women who emphasized feminine virtues, marriage, and childbirth. As Germany prepared for war, large numbers were incorporated into the public sector and with the need for full mobilization of factories by 1943, all women were required to register with the employment office. Women's wages remained unequal and women were denied positions of leadership or control.[22]

In 1934, Hitler proclaimed, "[A woman's] world is her husband, her family, her children, her house."

motherhood. Laws that had protected women's rights were repealed and new laws were introduced to restrict women to the home and in their roles as wives and mothers. Women were barred from government and university positions. Women's rights groups, such as the moderate BDF, were disbanded, and replaced with new social groups that would reinforce Nazi values, under the leadership of the Nazi Party and the head of women's affairs in Nazi Germany, Reichsfrauenführerin Gertrud Scholtz-Klink.[24]

In 1944–45, more than 500,000 women volunteers were uniformed auxiliaries in the German armed forces (Wehrmacht). About the same number served in civil aerial defense, 400,000 volunteered as nurses, and many more replaced drafted men in the wartime economy.[25] In the Luftwaffe, they served in combat roles helping to operate the anti—aircraft systems that shot down Allied bombers.[26]

West Germany, East Germany

German Democratic Republic
(East Germany), 1958
Alice Schwarzer, founder of EMMA (magazine) and Germany's most prominent feminist, 2010

During the post-War period political life in the

Federal Republic of Germany was conservative in character:

Political elites were dominated firstly by the CDU, a party focusing on economic growth and drawing on the support of established business interests and diverse local elites, and also latterly by the SDP with its traditional base in the male-dominated workers' organizations.[27]

Demographic changes which resulted from World War II meant that women made up a larger proportion of the electorate for several decades, but this did not result in significant representation in government; by 1987, women still made up only 10% of the representatives in the Bundestag. Women had less education, and they were less likely to be employed, either in the professions, or the service industry.[28]

Yet, after the Federal Republic of Germany began to make strides in its recovery from the aftermath of World War II, feminist issues began to rise to the surface of public consciousness. The works of feminist writers such as

Green Party in 1980. Feminists pushed the Green Party to include abortion reform as an "unqualified party commitment", and as more feminists became part of the Party leadership, women's rights were brought to prominence by the mid-1980s.[31] West Germany's most well-known feminist, the "mediagenic" Alice Schwarzer, founded the popular feminist magazine EMMA in 1977, and remains its Editor-in-Chief.[32]

State socialism in the

Frederick Engels, August Bebel, and Clara Zetkin had written of the role of gender exploitation in capitalism. In the GDR, there was little public consciousness of conflict between the sexes, although women's rights were discussed by certain activist groups, drawing Stasi attention.[33] The official GDR line during the 1960s and 1970s was that the Western feminist movement was "man-hating".[34] Women in the GDR were reputed to have a more exhausting way of life than women in the FRG, for a number of reasons. In addition to a longer formal workweek for GDR workers, women performed three-quarters of the housework and childcare[citation needed]. Few people owned cars, and product shortages and long lines made errands such as grocery shopping more time-consuming.[35] Although men were entitled to one year of parental leave following the birth of a child, they did not actually take it. By the 1970s, some GDR writers were observing that women's social roles were lagging their legal and economic status. Until 1977 married women in West Germany could not work without permission from their husbands.[36] However, women began to receive extensions to paid maternity leave that were generous by Western standards.[37]

Feminism in Germany since Unification

Anne Wizorek, helped establish the hashtag #Aufschrei in 2013.

By the early 21st century, issues of intersectionality between diverse social groups gained the attention of a larger number of feminists and other social reformers in Germany and beyond. After decades of pushing for greater legal recognition as full citizens, Gastarbeiter (guest workers) and their children (often born and raised in Germany) won some reforms at the national level in the late 1990s. During this time, women's rights groups had not, in general, made the guest worker issue a feminist cause. There were sporadic instances of women's rights groups voicing support for women guest workers' right to vote, and to have other women's rights included in the government's 1998 draft law for guest workers.[38]

Before 1997, the definition of rape in Germany was: "Whoever compels a woman to have extramarital intercourse with him, or with a third person, by force or the threat of present danger to life or limb, shall be punished by not less than two years’ imprisonment".[39] In 1997 there were changes to the rape law, broadening the definition, making it gender-neutral, and removing the marital exemption.[40] Before, marital rape could only be prosecuted as "Causing bodily harm" (Section 223 of the German Criminal Code), "Insult" (Section 185 of the German Criminal Code) and "Using threats or force to cause a person to do, suffer or omit an act" (Nötigung, Section 240 of the German Criminal Code) which carried lower sentences[41] and were rarely prosecuted.[42]

Feminist

transwomen, or men too. So that’s a very important development that we see here.[43]

FEMEN, established in 2008, has spread to Germany as of 2013. Chapters have been founded in Berlin and Hamburg.[44] In late 2012 and early 2013, Twitter became the medium of mass protests against common types of sexist harassment. Using a hashtag called #aufschrei (outcry), more than 100,000 tweets (messages) were sent to protest personal experiences of harassment, raising awareness of the issue and generating national and international press coverage.[45]

Women's representation in government and the workforce has made progress in the early 21st century. The German Chancellor,

SPD party won the battle on female quota. A new law requires about 100 companies to appoint women on 30 percent of their supervisory board seats, beginning in 2016. In addition, 3,500 companies are required to submit plans to increase the female share in top positions.[47]

See also

References

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  2. ^ Buchinger, Hannah Margarete (2016). Adelheid of Burgundy. Representation and memory of an Ottonian Empress and Christian Saint. p. 11. Retrieved 6 July 2022.
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  13. ^ Clarke, Edward H. (1873). Sex in Education, Or, a Fair Chance for Girls. Project Gutenberg. p. 178.
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  30. ^ Hecht, Patricia (4 April 2018). ""Wir wollen keine Castingshow". Liberale Frauen-Vorsitzende über Gender". Die Tageszeitung: Taz (in German). Retrieved 27 July 2021.
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  42. ^ Kieler, Marita (2002). Tatbestandsprobleme der sexuellen Nötigung, Vergewaltigung sowie des sexuellen Mißbrauchs widerstandsunfähiger Personen (PDF) (Dissertation). Archived from the original (PDF) on 20 October 2013. Retrieved 7 July 2016.
  43. ^ Sark, Kat (15 October 2016). "Interview with Anne Wizorek". Suites Culturelles. Archived from the original on 20 August 2023. Retrieved 6 August 2021.
  44. ^ Reinbold, Fabian (24 April 2013). "'Sextremist' Training: Climbing into the Ring with Femen". Spiegel. Retrieved 12 May 2013.
  45. ^ Zandt, Deanna (1 February 2013). "Germany's Problem with Women". Forbes Magazine. Retrieved 12 May 2013.
  46. ^ "Germany to block EU quota for women execs". The Local: Germany's News in English. 6 March 2013. Archived from the original on 3 June 2013. Retrieved 12 May 2013.
  47. ^ "Germany Sets Gender Quota in Boardrooms". New York Times. 6 March 2015. Retrieved 13 April 2015.

Further reading

Historiography

External links