History of Solidarity

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
For the history of other organizations of the same name, see Solidarity (disambiguation).

Gdańsk, 25th anniversary of Solidarity, summer 2005

Fall of Communism
.

The

one-party Communist state—but for the whole of the Eastern Bloc. Solidarity's example led to the spread of anti-Communist ideas and movements throughout the Eastern Bloc, weakening Communist governments. This process later culminated in the Revolutions of 1989
.

In the 1990s, Solidarity's influence on politics of Poland waned. A political arm of the Solidarity movement, Solidarity Electoral Action (AWS), was founded in 1996 and would win the 1997 Polish parliamentary election, only to lose the subsequent 2001 Polish parliamentary election. Thereafter, Solidarity had little influence as a political party, though it became the largest trade union in Poland.

Pre-1980 roots (1970s)

Millions cheered Pope John Paul II during his first visit to Poland as pontiff in 1979.

In the 1970s and 1980s, the initial success of Solidarity in particular, and of dissident movements in general, was fed by a deepening crisis within Soviet-influenced societies. There was declining morale and worsening economic conditions (a

Committee for Social Self-defence
(KSS-KOR).

On October 16, 1978, the

Karol Wojtyła, was elected Pope John Paul II. A year later, during his first pilgrimage to Poland, his masses were attended by hundreds of thousands of his countrymen. The Pope called for the respecting of national and religious traditions and advocated for freedom and human rights, while denouncing violence. To many Poles, he represented a spiritual and moral force that could be set against brute material forces, he was a bellwether of change, and became an important symbol—and supporter—of changes to come.[5][6]

Early strikes (1980)

Strikes did not occur merely due to problems that had emerged shortly before the labor unrest, but due to governmental and economic difficulties spanning more than a decade. In July 1980,

Lenin Shipyard in Gdańsk, the firing of Anna Walentynowicz, a popular crane operator and activist, galvanized the outraged workers into action.[1][7]

On August 14, the shipyard workers began their strike, organized by the

monument to the shipyard workers who had been killed in 1970 and for the legalization of independent trade unions.[9] The workers may have timed the strike to coincide with the nearby Intervision Song Contest, which many international journalists attended.[10]

The Polish government enforced censorship, and official media said little about the "sporadic labor disturbances in Gdańsk"; as a further precaution, all phone connections between the coast and the rest of Poland were soon cut.

Radio Free Europe broadcasts that penetrated the Iron Curtain,[12]
ensured that the ideas of the emerging Solidarity movement quickly spread.

Monument to Shipyard Workers Fallen in 1970, created following the Gdańsk Agreement
, and unveiled December 16, 1980
Strikers waiting in front of the Lenin Shipyard

On August 16, delegations from other strike committees arrived at the shipyard.[1] Delegates (Bogdan Lis, Andrzej Gwiazda and others) together with shipyard strikers agreed to create an Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee (Międzyzakładowy Komitet Strajkowy, or MKS).[1] On August 17 a priest, Henryk Jankowski, performed a mass outside the shipyard's gate, at which 21 demands of the MKS were put forward. The list went beyond purely local matters, beginning with a demand for new, independent trade unions and going on to call for a relaxation of the censorship, a right to strike, new rights for the Church, the freeing of political prisoners, and improvements in the national health service.[1]

Next day, a delegation of KOR

bibuła news-sheet, Solidarność, produced on the shipyard's printing press with KOR assistance, reached a daily print run of 30,000 copies.[1] Meanwhile, Jacek Kaczmarski's protest song, Mury (Walls), gained popularity with the workers.[13]

On August 18, the

fire brigade went on the biggest anti-Communist strike in Opole Voivodeship.[14]

Thanks to popular support within Poland, as well as to international support and media coverage, the Gdańsk workers held out until the government gave in to their demands. On August 21 a Governmental Commission (Komisja Rządowa) including

Gdańsk agreement (Porozumienia sierpniowe).[7] Other agreements were signed in Szczecin (the Szczecin Agreement of August 30), and Jastrzębie-Zdrój on September 3. It was called the Jastrzębie Agreement [pl] (Porozumienia jastrzebskie) and as such is regarded as part of the Gdańsk agreement. Though concerned with labor-union matters, the agreement enabled citizens to introduce democratic changes within the Communist political structure and was regarded as a first step toward dismantling the Party's monopoly of power.[15] The workers' main concerns were the establishment of a labor union independent of Communist-party control, and recognition of a legal right to strike. Workers' needs would now receive clear representation.[16] Another consequence of the Gdańsk Agreement was the replacement, in September 1980, of Edward Gierek by Stanisław Kania as Party First Secretary.[17]

First Solidarity (1980–1981)

Hala Olivia, Gdańsk. The place where the first national Congress was held.

Encouraged by the success of the August strikes, on September 17 workers' representatives, including Lech Wałęsa, formed a nationwide labor union, Solidarity (Niezależny Samorządny Związek Zawodowy (NSZZ) "Solidarność").

Poznań 1956 protests. On January 15, 1981, a Solidarity delegation, including Lech Wałęsa, met in Rome with Pope John Paul II. From September 5 to 10, and from September 26 to October 7, Solidarity's first national congress was held in Hala Olivia, Gdańsk, and Lech Wałęsa was elected its president.[20] The last accord of the congress was the adoption of the republican program "Self-governing Republic".[21]

March 20–21, 1981, issue of Wieczór Wrocławia (The Wrocław Evening). Blank spaces remain after the government censor has pulled articles from page 1 (right, "What happened at Bydgoszcz?") and from the last page (left, "Country-wide strike alert"), leaving only their titles. The printers—Solidarity-trade-union members—have decided to run the newspaper as is, with blank spaces intact. The bottom of page 1 of this master copy bears the hand-written Solidarity confirmation of that decision.

Meanwhile, Solidarity had been transforming itself from a trade union into a social movement

Independent Student Union (Niezależne Zrzeszenie Studentów, created in September 1980), the Independent Farmers' Trade Union (NSZZ Rolników Indywidualnych "Solidarność" or Rural Solidarity, created in May 1981) and the Independent Craftsmen's Trade Union.[18] It was the only time in recorded history that a quarter of a country's population (some 80% of the total Polish work force) had voluntarily joined a single organization.[1][18] "History has taught us that there is no bread without freedom," the Solidarity program stated a year later. "What we had in mind was not only bread, butter and sausages, but also justice, democracy, truth, legality, human dignity, freedom of convictions, and the repair of the republic."[7] Tygodnik Solidarność
, a Solidarity-published newspaper, was started in April 1981.

Using strikes and other protest actions, Solidarity sought to force a change in government policies. In some cases, as in

Eastern bloc,[25] and it forced the government to promise an investigation into the beatings.[1] This concession, and Wałęsa's agreement to defer further strikes, proved a setback to the movement, as the euphoria that had swept Polish society subsided.[1] Nonetheless the Polish Communist party—the Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR)—had lost its total control over society.[15]

Yet while Solidarity was ready to take up negotiations with the government,

Summer 1981 hunger demonstrations in Poland, in response to the worsening economic situation.[1]
On December 3, 1981, Solidarity announced that a 24-hour strike would be held if the government were granted additional powers to suppress dissent, and that a general strike would be declared if those powers were used.

Martial law (1981–1983)

Further information: Martial law in Poland

After the Gdańsk Agreement, the Polish government was under increasing pressure from the Soviet Union to take action and strengthen its position. Stanisław Kania was viewed by Moscow as too independent, and on October 18, 1981, the Party Central Committee put him in the minority. Kania lost his post as First Secretary, and was replaced by Prime Minister (and Minister of Defence) Gen. Wojciech Jaruzelski, who adopted a strong-arm policy.[26]

Memorial to the "martyrs"of Solidarity outside Les Invalides in Paris, Easter 1982

On December 13, 1981, Jaruzelski began a crack-down on Solidarity, declaring

The last strike in the 1981 Poland, which ended on December 28, took place in the Piast Coal Mine in the Upper Silesian town of Bieruń. It was the longest underground strike in the history of Poland, lasting 14 days. Some 2000 miners began it on December 14, going 650 meters underground. Out of the initial 2000, half remained until the last day. Starving, they gave up after military authorities promised they would not be prosecuted.[27] On October 8, 1982, Solidarity was banned.[28]

The range of support for the Solidarity was unique: no other movement in the world was supported by

AFL–CIO provided funds, equipment and advice to the Solidarity underground.[32] The political alliance of Reagan and the Pope would prove important to the future of Solidarity.[32] The Polish public also supported what was left of Solidarity; a major medium for demonstrating support of Solidarity became masses held by priests such as Jerzy Popiełuszko.[33]

Besides the Communist authorities, Solidarity was also opposed by some of the Polish (émigré) radical right, believing Solidarity or KOR to be disguised communist groups, dominated by Jewish Trotskyite Zionists.[34]

In July 1983, martial law was formally lifted, though many heightened controls on civil liberties and political life, as well as food rationing, remained in place through the mid-to-late 1980s.[35]

Underground Solidarity (1982–1988)

"Fighting Solidarity" poster, modeled after World War II "Kotwica" emblem

Almost immediately after the legal Solidarity leadership had been arrested, underground structures began to arise.[18] On April 12, 1982, Radio Solidarity began broadcasting.[20] On April 22, Zbigniew Bujak, Bogdan Lis, Władysław Frasyniuk and Władysław Hardek created an Interim Coordinating Commission (Tymczasowa Komisja Koordynacyjna) to serve as an underground leadership for Solidarity.[36] On May 6 another underground Solidarity organization, an NSSZ "S" Regional Coordinating Commission (Regionalna Komisja Koordynacyjna NSZZ "S"), was created by Bogdan Borusewicz, Aleksander Hall, Stanisław Jarosz, Bogdan Lis and Marian Świtek.[20] June 1982 saw the creation of a Fighting Solidarity (Solidarność Walcząca) organization.[36][37]

Throughout the mid-1980s, Solidarity persevered as an exclusively underground organization.

August 31, 1982 demonstrations in Poland). Altogether, on that day six demonstrators were killed – three in Lubin, one in Kielce, one in Wrocław and one in Gdańsk. Another person was killed on the next day, during a demonstration in Częstochowa. Further strikes occurred at Gdańsk and Nowa Huta between October 11 and 13.[20]
In Nowa Huta, a 20-year-old student Bogdan Wlosik was shot by a secret service officer.

A wave of protests was sparked by the 1984 murder of Warsaw priest Jerzy Popiełuszko.

On November 14, 1982,

underground newspapers.[39]
In the first half of 1983 street protests were frequent; on May 1, two persons were killed in Kraków and one in Wrocław. Two days later, two additional demonstrators were killed in Warsaw.

On July 22, 1983, martial law was lifted, and amnesty was granted to many imprisoned Solidarity members, who were released.

SB had prepared bogus documents, accusing Wałęsa of immoral and illegal activities that had been given to the Nobel committee in an attempt to derail his nomination.[42]

On October 19, 1984 a popular pro-Solidarity priest, Jerzy Popiełuszko was killed.[43] As the facts emerged, thousands of people declared their solidarity with the deceased priest by attending his funeral, held on November 3, 1984. The government attempted to smooth over the situation by releasing thousands of political prisoners;[40] a year later, however, there followed a new wave of arrests.[18] Frasyniuk, Lis and Adam Michnik, members of the "S" underground, were brutally beaten and arrested on February 13, 1985, starved, tortured, interrogated, placed on a trial, and sentenced to several years' imprisonment for committing several acts of terror against Polish state and its people.[20][44]

Second Solidarity (1988–1989)

On March 11, 1985, power in the Soviet Union was assumed by

People's Republic of Poland.[40]

On September 11, 1986, 225 Polish political prisoners were released—the last of those connected with Solidarity, and arrested during the previous years.[40] Following amnesty on September 30, Wałęsa created the first public, legal Solidarity entity since the declaration of martial law—the Temporary Council of NSZZ Solidarność (Polish: Tymczasowa Rada NSZZ Solidarność)—with Bogdan Borusewicz, Zbigniew Bujak, Władysław Frasyniuk, Tadeusz Janusz Jedynak, Bogdan Lis, Janusz Pałubicki and Józef Pinior. Soon afterwards, the new Council was – exceptionally – admitted to both the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions and the World Confederation of Labour.[18] Many local Solidarity chapters now broke their cover throughout Poland, and on October 25, 1987, the National Executive Committee of NSZZ Solidarność [pl] (Polish: Krajowa Komisja Wykonawcza NSZZ Solidarność) was created. Nonetheless, Solidarity members and activists continued to be persecuted and discriminated, if less so than during the early 1980s.[20] In the late 1980s, a rift between Wałęsa's faction and a more radical Fighting Solidarity grew as the former wanted to negotiate with the government, while the latter planned for an anti-Communist revolution.[36][46][47]

By 1988, Poland's economy was in worse condition than it had been eight years earlier. International sanctions, combined with the government's unwillingness to introduce reforms, intensified the old problems.

Foreign debt and inflation mounted. There were no funds to modernize factories, and the promised "market socialism" materialized as a shortage economy characterized by long queues and empty shelves.[48] Reforms introduced by Jaruzelski and Mieczysław Rakowski came too little and too late, especially as changes in the Soviet Union had bolstered the public's expectation that change must come, and the Soviets ceased their efforts to prop up Poland's failing regime.[40][49]

In February 1988, the government hiked

July Manifesto" mine in Jastrzębie-Zdrój.[20] By August 20 the strike had spread to many other mines, and on August 22 the Gdańsk Shipyard joined the strike.[20] Poland's Communist government then decided to negotiate.[18][40]

"High Noon, June 4, 1989",
Solidarity Citizens' Committee election poster by Tomasz Sarnecki

On August 26,

Minister of Internal Affairs, declared on television that the government was willing to negotiate, and five days later he met with Wałęsa. The strikes ended the following day, and on November 30, during a televised debate between Wałęsa and Alfred Miodowicz (leader of the pro-government trade union, the All-Poland Alliance of Trade Unions, or OPZZ), Wałęsa scored a public-relations victory.[40][50]

On December 18, a hundred-member Citizens' Committee (Polish: Komitet Obywatelski) was formed within Solidarity. It comprised several sections, each responsible for presenting a specific aspect of opposition demands to the government. Wałęsa and the majority of Solidarity leaders supported negotiation, while a minority wanted an anti-Communist revolution. Under Wałęsa's leadership, Solidarity decided to pursue a peaceful solution, and the pro-violence faction never attained any substantial power, nor did it take any action.[24]

On January 27, 1989, in a meeting between Wałęsa and Kiszczak, a list was drawn up of members of the main negotiating teams. The conference that began on February 6 would be known as the Polish Round Table Talks.[51] The 56 participants included 20 from "S", 6 from OPZZ, 14 from the PZPR, 14 "independent authorities", and two priests. The Polish Round Table Talks took place in Warsaw from February 6 to April 4, 1989. The Communists, led by General Jaruzelski, hoped to co-opt prominent opposition leaders into the ruling group without making major changes in the structure of political power. Solidarity, while hopeful, did not anticipate major changes. In fact, the talks would radically alter the shape of the Polish government and society.[49][51]

On April 17, 1989, Solidarity was legalized, and its membership soon reached 1.5 million.

electoral campaign.[51][52] On May 8, the first issue of a new pro-Solidarity newspaper, Gazeta Wyborcza (The Election Gazette), was published.[53]
Posters of Wałęsa supporting various candidates, appeared throughout the country.

Solidarity Chairman Wałęsa (center) with US President George H. W. Bush (right) and Barbara Bush (left) in Warsaw, July 1989

Pre-election

public-opinion polls had promised victory to the Communists.[51] Thus the total defeat of the PZPR and its satellite parties came as a surprise to all involved: after the first round of elections, it became evident that Solidarity had fared extremely well,[49] capturing 160 of 161 contested Sejm seats, and 92 of 100 Senate seats. After the second round, it had won virtually every seat—all 161 in the Sejm, and 99 in the Senate.[52]

These elections, in which anti-Communist candidates won a striking victory, inaugurated a series of peaceful anti-Communist revolutions in Central and Eastern Europe[54][55] that eventually culminated in the Fall of Communism.[56][57]

The new Contract Sejm, named for the agreement that had been reached by the Communist party and the Solidarity movement during the Polish Round Table Talks, would be dominated by Solidarity. As agreed beforehand, Wojciech Jaruzelski was elected president;[49][52] however, the Communist candidate for Prime Minister, Czesław Kiszczak, who replaced Mieczysław Rakowski,[49] failed to gain enough support to form a government.[52][58]

On June 23, a Solidarity Citizens' Parliamentary Club (Obywatelski Klub Parliamentarny "Solidarność") was formed, led by

Democratic Party — which had now chosen to "rebel" against the PZPR, which found itself in the minority.[58] On August 24, the Sejm elected Tadeusz Mazowiecki, a Solidarity representative, to be Prime Minister of Poland.[49][52][58] Not only was he a first non-Communist Polish Prime Minister since 1945, he became the first non-Communist prime minister in Eastern Europe for nearly 40 years.[49] In his speech he talked about the "thick line" (Polish: Gruba kreska) which would separate his government from the Communist past[59] By the end of August 1989, a Solidarity-led coalition government
had been formed.

Party and trade union (1989–2020)

The fall of the Communist regime marked a new chapter in the history of Poland and in the history of Solidarity. Having defeated the Communist government, Solidarity found itself in a role it was much less prepared for — that of a political party — and soon began to lose popularity.[18][60] Conflicts among Solidarity factions intensified.[18][61] Wałęsa was elected Solidarity chairman, but support for him could be seen to be crumbling. One of his main opponents, Władysław Frasyniuk, withdrew from elections altogether. In September 1990, Wałęsa declared that Gazeta Wyborcza had no right to use the Solidarity logo. Later that month, Wałęsa announced his intent to run for president of Poland. In December 1990, he was elected president.[18] He resigned his Solidarity post and became the first president of Poland ever to be elected by popular vote.

Solidarity economist Leszek Balcerowicz, framer of the Balcerowicz Plan

In February 1991, Marian Krzaklewski was elected the leader of Solidarity.[18] President Wałęsa's vision and that of the new Solidarity leadership were diverging. Far from supporting Wałęsa, Solidarity was becoming increasingly critical of the government, and decided to create its own political party for action in the upcoming 1991 parliamentary elections.[62]

The 1991 elections were characterized by a large number of competing parties, many claiming the legacy of anti-Communism, and the Solidarity party garnered only 5% of the votes. On January 13, 1992, Solidarity declared its first strike against the democratically elected government: a one-hour strike against a proposal to raise energy prices. Another, two-hour strike took place on December 14. On May 19, 1993, Solidarity deputies proposed a

living standards to those in the West, and the government's financial "shock therapy" (the Balcerowicz Plan) generated much opposition.[18][62]

Solidarity, ETUC Demonstration, Budapest, 2011

In the elections, Solidarity received only 4.9% of the votes, 0.1% less than the 5% required in order to enter parliament (Solidarity still had nine senators, two fewer than in the previous

left-wing party.[18]

Solidarity now joined forces with its erstwhile enemy, the

right wing, the elections were won by an SLD candidate, Aleksander Kwaśniewski, who received 51.72% of votes. A Solidarity call for new elections went unheeded, but the Sejm still managed to pass a resolution condemning the 1981 martial law (despite the SLD voting against). Meanwhile, the left-wing OPZZ trade union had acquired 2.5 million members, twice as many as the contemporary Solidarity (with 1.3 million).[62]

In June 1996,

Christian-democratic forces. As the public became disillusioned with the SLD and its allies, AWS was victorious in the 1997 parliamentary elections.[18] Jerzy Buzek became the new prime minister; however, controversies over domestic reforms, Poland's 1999 entry into NATO, and the accession process to the European Union, combined with AWS' fights with its political allies (the Freedom Union—Unia Wolności) and infighting within AWS itself, as well as corruption, eventually resulted in the loss of much public support.[18] AWS leader Marian Krzaklewski lost the 2000 presidential election, and in the 2001 parliamentary elections AWS failed to elect a single deputy to the parliament.[18] After this debacle, Krzaklewski was replaced by Janusz Śniadek (in 2002) but the union decided to distance itself from politics.[18]

In 2006, Solidarity had some 1.5 million members making it the largest trade union in Poland. Its

Catholic social teachings, works to protect workers' interests and to fulfill their material, social and cultural aspirations."[63]

The

Santa Monica in California.[65][66]

See also

  • Organized labour portal

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v Barker, Colin (October 17, 2005) [Autumn 2005]. "The Rise of Solidarnosc". International Socialism (108). Retrieved September 17, 2020.
  2. ISBN 0-231-06608-2
    .
  3. ISBN 963-9241-39-3
    .
  4. ISBN 963-9241-39-3
    .
  5. ISBN 0-19-516664-7
    . Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  6. ISBN 0-06-073203-2
    .
  7. ^ a b c d e "The birth of Solidarity (1980)". BBC News. Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  8. ISBN 0-271-02565-4
    .
  9. ISBN 0-275-95295-9
    .
  10. ^ Rosenberg, Steve (May 14, 2012). "The Cold War rival to Eurovision". BBC News. Retrieved September 19, 2018.
  11. ISBN 0-231-08093-X
    .
  12. ISBN 0-300-06921-9
    .
  13. ^ "Yalta 2.0". Warsaw Voice. August 31, 2005. Retrieved August 31, 2006.
  14. ISBN 978-8361419402
    .
  15. ^
    ISBN 0-231-12819-3
    .
  16. ISBN 0-521-83564-X
    .
  17. ^
    ISBN 0-521-83564-X
    .
  18. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w Solidarność NSZZ in WIEM Encyklopedia. Last accessed on October 10, 2006 (in Polish)
  19. ^ "Solidarity". Encyclopædia Britannica. Retrieved January 15, 2007.
  20. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l "KALENDARIUM NSZZ "SOLIDARNOŚĆ" 1980–1989" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on July 10, 2007. (185 KB). Last accessed on October 15, 2006 (in Polish)
  21. ^ Piotr Gliński, The Self-governing Republic in the Third Republic, "Polish Sociological Review", 2006, no.1
  22. ISBN 0-88738-049-2
    .
  23. ^ Jeff Goodwin, No Other Way Out: States and Revolutionary Movements, 1945–1991. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001. Chapter 1 and 8.
  24. ^
    ISBN 1-55587-491-6
    . Retrieved July 6, 2006.
  25. ISBN 0-271-02528-X
    . Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  26. ^ a b c "Martial law (1981)". BBC News. Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  27. ^ 25th anniversary of the strike in Piast coal mine Archived June 29, 2012, at archive.today
  28. ISBN 0-275-95295-9
    . Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  29. ISBN 0-300-09568-6
    .
  30. ^
    ISBN 1-891620-82-7
    .
  31. ISBN 0-87113-633-3
    . Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  32. ^
    ISBN 0-89526-514-1
    .
  33. ISBN 0-87722-900-7
    .
  34. ISBN 0-89526-514-1
    .
  35. ISBN 0-88132-136-2
    .
  36. ^
    ISBN 0-8223-1548-3
    .
  37. ISBN 0-691-11627-X
    .
  38. ^ a b "Keeping the fire burning: the underground movement (1982–83)". BBC News. Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  39. ISBN 0-8223-1548-3
    .
  40. ^ a b c d e f g h i j "Negotiations and the big debate (1984–88)". BBC News. Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  41. ^ "AROUND THE WORLD; Poland Says Mrs. Walesa Can Accept Nobel Prize". The New York Times. November 30, 1983. Retrieved January 23, 2007.
  42. ^ K. Gottesman (December 8, 2000). "Prawdziwe oświadczenie Lecha Wałęsy". Rzeczpospolita (no. 188). Archived from the original on December 13, 2003. Retrieved January 23, 2007.
  43. ISBN 0-19-516664-7
    . Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  44. ISBN 0-691-11627-X
    .
  45. ISBN 0-262-18234-3, Google Print, p.283
  46. ISBN 0-8166-3857-8
    .
  47. ISBN 1-56000-100-3, p. 221
  48. ISBN 0-521-83895-9
    .
  49. ^ a b c d e f g h "Solidarity victorious (1989)". BBC News. Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  50. ^ The Spring Will Be Ours
  51. ^ a b c d "Free elections (1989)". BBC News. Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  52. ^
    ISBN 0-8133-2835-7
    .
  53. ^ "Changes in the Polish media since 1989". Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Retrieved January 15, 2007.
  54. ISBN 0-415-93397-8
    . Retrieved July 6, 2006.
  55. ISBN 0-691-11627-X
    . Retrieved January 17, 2007.
  56. ISBN 0-8014-3287-1, Google Print, p.4
  57. ISBN 0-691-05028-7
    .
  58. ^
    ISBN 0-7146-3463-8
    .
  59. ISBN 0-521-00070-X
    .
  60. ISBN 0-415-92080-9, Google Print, p.157
  61. ISBN 0-8133-2109-3, Google Print, p.62
  62. ^
    ISBN 0-472-11030-6
    . Retrieved July 10, 2006.
  63. ^ "Welcome to NSZZ Solidarnosc Web Site!". National Commission of Independent Self-Governing Trade Union. Archived from the original on October 25, 2006. Retrieved January 15, 2007.
  64. ^ "W Gdańsku otwarto Europejskie Centrum Solidarności" (in Polish). Onet.pl. August 31, 2014. Archived from the original on December 13, 2015. Retrieved August 7, 2015.
  65. ^ "From the Niagara falls to Rio de Janeiro's statue of Christ the Redeemer, the colours of Poland light up to mark 40 years since historic pro-democracy agreements". Retrieved August 31, 2020.
  66. ^ "Mural w Berlinie, most nad Dunajem, iluminacja w Waszyngtonie na 40 lat Porozumień Sierpniowych". Retrieved September 1, 2020.

Further reading

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to History of Solidarność.
Polish Wikisource has original text related to this article:

Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=History_of_Solidarity&oldid=1216800089"