Nishad
The Nishad are a
Bind • Beldar |
In Bihar, the term refers to a group of around 20 communities whose traditional occupations centred on rivers, such as the
In Uttar Pradesh, the term "Nishad" represents 17 OBC communities that have been proposed for
Formation of Nishad identity
Nishads, according to Badri Narayan is a term denoting various communities whose traditional occupations has remained water-centric including
In 2001, the writer E.S.D Bind argued that various subcaste of Nishad community together comprises 18% of the population of Uttar Pradesh, which were instrumental in affecting the electoral politics of the state. As a result, various political parties pitched for having a share of this large vote bank by manipulating the legends of mythical heroes of the community in a way to suit their agenda. This process became more swift after the publication of a pamphlet called Nishad Jati Sankhya Bal in a magazine called Nishad Jyoti. One of the earliest proponent of Nishad identity was Ram Chandr Vakil who was elected as a member of
Myths of origin
The magazines such as Nishad Jyoti and Jheel Putra Smarika claimed that before the advent of
The fabricated genealogy made by the Nishads declares them to be the descendants of Nishadraj Guhya who befriended
"Uttari thari bhae sursarireta
Siya Ram Guhya Lakhan Sameta"
(Disembarking from the boat, on the sand of Ganga
stood Sita and Ram with Guhya and Laxman.)[4]
Besides claminig the mythological character
These legends were popularised by the
Classification as Criminal Tribe
The association with the term Nishad had a positive connotation for various boatmen and fishermen caste who attempted to get registered as Nishad in 1921 census. This
The process of equating caste with occupation was though considered as misleading now, as by the late 19th century the Mallah and its sub-castes were moving towards cities and were getting employed as labourers in the burgeoning weaving industry. But, this distinction between caste and occupation hardly changed the stance of the authorities, for whom Mallah were already perceived as criminals.[6] According to Bernstein who documented the introduction of steamboat on the Ganges, the control of river's navigational route was very important for the British colonizers for transport of raw materials and revenue proceeds from the countrysides to urban centres. The classification as Criminal Tribes helped them to track the movement of these boatmen who were made to produce a detail of their caste, patrilineal descent, and residence or else were made to pay fine.[7]
For the purpose of having a seamless river transport system to fulfill their commercial motives, the British recruited a number of boatman who were placed at important spots along the rivers. This policy had both social and economic implication for the Nishad community members who would leave their homes for long period of time to work under East India Company as wage labourers, transporting their riches.[7]
Retriever of corpses
Changing colonial perception
In the recent years, due to frequent contact with the politicians and journalists, the boatmen community has increasingly become aware of the problem of river pollution and challenges to biodiversity of the Ganges due to contamination by point and non point sources. Various organizations affiliated with the Nishad community are now engaged in awareness generation for the conservation of riverine ecosystem. The organisation such as Rashtriya Nishad Jagran Mahasabha have released pamphlets declaring the Nishad community as the protector of sacred water bodies. These magazines and pamphlets have helped to arise consciousness among the water centric communities to come forward for the cause of environment by invoking caste solidarity. The slogans raised by these caste associations like:
Maa Ganga Ki sewa ab Mallah krega (Mallah will perform the service for mother Ganga)
and increased collaboration with the state for river cleansing projects with devotive motives have challenged the James Scott's notion of "public transcript". At one end the boatmen comply with the things to ensure how the dominant groups would want the things to appear, at the other hand they are also rising voices of resistance without being branded as violators of law.[9]
In the period of passive egalitarianism
In the 1990s, with the rise of
Identity politics in Uttar Pradesh
By 1990, many political parties of
The other political parties also stepped into this fray and chose the other heroes who symbolised the victory of lower castes on the upper castes to manipulate the votes of Nishads. The Samajwadi Party which relied upon the votes of middle peasant castes like Yadavs and Patels found the one in Phoolan Devi, a bandit who had been symbolised as the might of the downtrodden people over the upper castes. Phoolan who was raped by the other bandits belonging to the Thakur caste perpetrated the Behmai massacre in retaliation. After she surrendered, the state government under Mulayam Singh Yadav ensured her release and also gave her ticket from the Mirzapur constituency as the Samajwadi Party candidate. This made a section of Nishad obliged to SP, who voted for it.[11]
The Bahujan Samaj Party which symbolised the
In popular culture
In 2020 "Nishad", a character in the movie Article 15 was played by
See also
References
- ^ "From Bajrangi Bhaijaan to Battlefield Bihar: Meet 'Son of Mallah'". Ndtv.com. 18 September 2015. Archived from the original on 5 June 2016. Retrieved 4 February 2017.
- ^ "Setback for Akhilesh government as High Court stays their order to include 17 sub-castes in the SC category". Financial Express. 24 January 2017. Archived from the original on 28 July 2017. Retrieved 4 February 2017.
- ^ "UP govt to include 17 other backward castes in SC list". Hindustan Times. PTI. 22 December 2016. Archived from the original on 8 August 2017. Retrieved 4 February 2017.
- ^ ISBN 978-8132101055. Archivedfrom the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 5 October 2020.
- ISBN 978-8132101055. Archivedfrom the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 5 October 2020.
- ^ ISBN 978-1351953269. Archivedfrom the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 7 October 2020.
- ^ ISBN 978-1351953269. Archivedfrom the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 7 October 2020.
- ISBN 978-1351953269. Archivedfrom the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 7 October 2020.
- ISBN 978-1351953269. Archivedfrom the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 7 October 2020.
- ISBN 978-1317125372. Archivedfrom the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 5 October 2020.
Yadav and Bind (a fishing community) criminals and in certain area Muslim criminals now built their own numerous small crime capitals.
- ^ ISBN 978-8132101055. Archivedfrom the original on 10 January 2023. Retrieved 5 October 2020.
- ^ "Reality Check: How 'Article 15' References Real Incidents & People". The quint. Archived from the original on 21 October 2020. Retrieved 8 December 2020.
- ^ "This is What Ayushmann Khurrana's Article 15 Doesn't Tell You About Caste in India". News18. Archived from the original on 19 November 2020. Retrieved 8 December 2020.