Russian nationalism

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

The flag of Russia
The Millennium of Russia monument built in 1862 that celebrated one-thousand years of Russian history

Russian nationalism (Russian: Русский национализм) is a form of nationalism that promotes Russian cultural identity and unity. Russian nationalism first rose to prominence as a Pan-Slavic enterprise during the 19th century Russian Empire, and was repressed during the early Bolshevik rule. Russian nationalism was briefly revived through the policies of Joseph Stalin during and after the Second World War, which shared many resemblances with the worldview of early Eurasianist ideologues.[1]

Following the

Putinist Russia; with Dugin's books, treatises and lectures being advocated through universities, schools, military institutes, police academies and other governmental organizations as part of Putin government's embrace of authoritarianism and condemnation of liberal democracy.[2][3]

The definition of Russian national identity within Russian nationalism has been characterized in different ways. In ethnic terms one including asserting that those identified as

Asiatic cultures
.

History

Further information: Pan-Slavism, Slavophilia, Russification, and Great Russian chauvinism

Imperial Russian nationalism

ethnic Russians today), Little Russians (Ukrainians), and White Russians (Belarusians
) from an early 20th century poster.

The Russian motto "

Emperor Nicholas I.[4]
Three components of Uvarov's triad were:

The Slavophile movement became popular in 19th-century Russia. Slavophiles opposed the presence of Western European influences in Russia and as a result, they were determined to protect Russian culture and traditions. Aleksey Khomyakov, Ivan Kireyevsky, and Konstantin Aksakov are credited with co-founding the movement.[improper synthesis?]

Russian World War I era poster calling to buy war bonds

A notable folk revival in Russian art was loosely related to Slavophilia.[6] Many works concerning Russian history, mythology and fairy tales appeared. Operas by Nikolai Rimsky-Korsakov, Mikhail Glinka and Alexander Borodin; paintings by Viktor Vasnetsov, Ivan Bilibin and Ilya Repin; and poems by Nikolay Nekrasov, Aleksey Konstantinovich Tolstoy, among others, are considered[by whom?] masterpieces of Russian romantic nationalism.

1914 war against Serbia by Austria-Hungary triggered Russia's response.[citation needed
]

Early 20th century ultra-nationalism

In the beginning of 20th century, new nationalist and rightist organizations and parties emerged in Russia, such as the Russian Assembly, the Union of the Russian People, the Union of Archangel Michael ("Black Hundreds") and others.

Nationalism during the Soviet era

Further information: Soviet patriotism and Sovietization
counter-revolution
. The symbol of Saint George slaying the dragon was and still is a Russian national symbol.
Mother Russia

Under the outlook of international communism that was especially strong at the time, Vladimir Lenin separated patriotism into what he defined as proletarian, socialist patriotism from bourgeois nationalism.[8] Lenin promoted the right of all nations to self-determination and the right to unity of all workers within nations, but he also condemned chauvinism and claimed there were both justified and unjustified feelings of national pride.[9] Lenin explicitly denounced conventional Russian nationalism as "Great Russian chauvinism", and his government sought to accommodate the country's multiple ethnic groups by creating republics and sub-republic units to provide non-Russian ethnic groups with autonomy and protection from Russian domination.[10] Lenin also sought to balance the ethnic representation of leadership of the country by promoting non-Russian officials in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to counter the large presence of Russians in the Party.[10] However, even during this early period of Soviet history, the Soviet government appealed to Russian nationalism when it needed support - especially on the Soviet borderlands in the Soviet Union's early years.[10]

Since Russian patriotism served as a legitimizing prop of old order, Bolshevik leaders were anxious to suppress its manifestations and ensure its eventual extinction. They officially discouraged Russian nationalism and remnants of Imperial patriotism, such as the wearing of military awards received before the Civil War. Some of their followers disagreed; in non-Russian territories, Bolshevik power was often regarded as renewed Russian imperialism during 1919 to 1921. In 1922, the Soviet Union was formed with its members combined, but Russia was the largest and most populous member. After 1923, following Lenin's ideas, a policy of

prison-house of nations than the old Empire had ever been. [...] The Russian-dominated center established an inequitable relationship with the ethnic groups it voluntarily helped to construct."[15] Various scholars focused on the nationalist features that already existed during the Leninist period.[15]: 43 : 48 [16][14]: 24  Korenizatsiya's multinational construction weakened during Stalin's rule. Stalin's policies established a clear shift to Russian nationalism, starting from the idea that Russians were "first among equals" in the Soviet Union, escalating through the "nationalities deportations".[13]: 453 [17] According to scholar Jon K. Chang, the Bolsheviks "never made a clean break from Tsarist-era nationalist, populist and primordialist beliefs".[17]: 7  Russian historian Andrei Savin stated that Stalin's policy shifted away from internationalism towards National Bolshevism in the 1930s. In a marked change from elimination of the class enemies, the nationality-based repressions declared entire ethnicities counter-revolutionary enemies, although "class dogmas" declaring targeted nationalities to be ideologically opposed to the Soviets were usually added.[18]

Stalin reversed much of his predecessor's previous internationalist policies, signing orders for the

Norman M. Naimark believed that the Stalinist "nationalities deportations" were forms of national-cultural genocide. The deportations at the very least changed the cultures, way of life and world views of the deported peoples as the majority were sent to Soviet Central Asia and Siberia.[21] According to historian Jeremy Smith, "As long as Stalin was alive... nationality policy was subject to arbitrary swings. The most disturbing feature of this period was the growth of official Anti-Semitism" including the campaign against "rootless cosmopolitans". Smith observed that "Speeches and newspaper articles raised the spectre of an international Jewish conspiracy to overthrow Soviet power" leading to the purges of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee and the Doctors' plot which was associated with the persecution of Jewish Moscow doctors in planned show trials. If Stalin had not died when he did, the alleged Doctors' plot would have led to the deportation of Jews to Siberia. Meanwhile, the defense of the country during World War II had led to the emergence of a new wave of national pride in the non-Russian republics which led to purges in those republics.[20]
: 143–145 

According to Evgeny Dobrenko, "Late Stalinism" after World War II was the transformation of Soviet society away from Marxism to demonize the idea of cosmopolitanism. He argued that Soviet actions up to 1945 could still in some way be explained by Leninist internationalism, but that the Soviet Union was turned into a Russian nationalist entity during the postwar years. Through a widespread study of Soviet literature, he found a vast increase in nationalist themes, cultural puritanism, and paranoia in publications during this eight year period making "Stalinism the heart of Sovietness" well after Stalin's death.[22]: 9–14 [23] Historian David Brandenberger contrasts russocentrism characteristic of this era with Russian nationalism. In his view, ethnic pride and promoted sense of Russian national identity didn't cross the threshold of nationalism as "the party hierarchy never endorsed the idea of Russian self-determination or separatism and vigorously suppressed all those who did, consciously drawing a line between the positive phenomenon of national identity formation and the malignancy of full-blown nationalist ambitions." To define the "pragmatic" combination of Russian national identity promotion in Marxist–Leninist propaganda and "symbolically abandoned" earlier proletarian internationalism, Brandenberger describes Stalin's regime with the term "National Bolshevism".[24]: 2, 6 

The creation of an international communist state under control of the workers was perceived by some as accomplishment of Russian nationalistic dreams.[25] Poet Pavel Kogan described his feelings of the Soviet patriotism just before World War II:[26]

I am a patriot. I love Russian air and Russian soil.
But we will reach the Ganges River,
and we will die in fights,
to make our Motherland shine
from Japan to England

According to Nikolai Berdyaev:

The Russian people did not achieve their ancient dream of

Moscow, the Third Rome. The ecclesiastical schism of the 17th century revealed that the Muscovite tsardom is not the Third Rome... The messianic idea of the Russian people assumed either an apocalyptic form or a revolutionary; and then there occurred an amazing event in the destiny of the Russian people. Instead of the Third Rome in Russia, the Third International was achieved, and many of the features of the Third Rome pass over to the Third International. The Third International is also a holy empire, and it also is founded on an orthodox faith. The Third International is not international, but a Russian national idea.[27]

In 1944, the Soviet Union abandoned its communist anthem The Internationale and adopted a new national anthem conveying a Russian-centered national pride in its first stanza, "An unbreakable union of free republics, Great Russia has sealed forever."[28][29]

Although Khrushchev had risen up during Stalinism, his speech

Sergei Pavlovich Pavlov, an ally of Shelepin, while the Molodaya Gvardiya published numerous neo-Stalinist and nationalist works.[14]
: 52–53 

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union

The first "State flag" of the Russian Empire (1858–1896) is used by some Russian nationalists and monarchists.
A march of about 7,000 people waving nationalist flags, chanting anti-immigrant slogans and carrying a big banner that reads "Let's return Russia to the Russians" (Вернём Россию русским) in Moscow, 4 November 2011

Many nationalist movements, both radical and moderate, have arisen after the

A Just Russia.[citation needed
]

One of the more radical,

Russian March.[citation needed
]

Extremist nationalism

Extremist nationalism in Russia is used in reference to many far-right and a few far-left ultra-nationalist movements and organizations. In Russia, the term nationalism is frequently used in reference to extremist nationalism. However, it is frequently mixed up with "fascism" in Russia. While the meaning of this terminology does not exactly match the formal definitions of fascism, the common denominator is chauvinism. In all other respects, the positions vary over a wide spectrum. Some movements hold a political position in which they believe that the state must be an instrument of nationalism (such as the National Bolshevik Party, headed by Eduard Limonov), while others (for example, Russian National Unity) promote the use of vigilantist tactics against the perceived "enemies of Russia" without participating in politics.[citation needed]

Anti-Soviet Russian Fascist Party, inspired by Italian fascism, in the first half of the 20th century. The slogan "Let's get our homeland!" is also used by the modern far-right in Russia.

Historically, the first prototypes of such groups were the Black Hundreds in Imperial Russia, the Russian Fascist Organization and the Russian Fascist Party (two organizations which were based in Manchukuo). More recent antisemitic, white supremacist neo-fascist and neo-Nazi organizations include the Russian National Socialist Party.[citation needed]

In 1997, the Moscow Anti-Fascist Center estimated that 40 (nationalist) extremist groups were operating in Russia.[35] The same source reported 35 extremist newspapers, the largest among these being Zavtra. In spite of repression by governmental authorities, a far-right extremist movement has established itself in Russia.[36]

Neopaganism and the Aryan myth

Main article: Slavic Native Faith

Since the fall of the Soviet Union, the Aryan myth has gained publicity in Russia. Numerous series of collections of works by popularizers of the Aryan idea are published (Secrets of the Russian Land, The True History of the Russian People, etc.). They are available in Russian bookstores and municipal and university libraries. These works are not marginal: they have a circulation of tens of thousands of copies (or millions, for example, for books by Alexander Asov), their content is involved in the formation of the worldview basis of a stratum of the population regarding ancient history.

Authors who develop the Aryan theme are often employees of new amateur academies and geopolitical institutions. Only a small number of them have a history degree. Most of them were educated in the field of technology and exact sciences.[37]

The "Aryan" idea in the version of Slavic neo-paganism (the origin of the Slavs from the "Aryans" from

Kolovrat" as an ancient Slavic symbol; a variant of the alien origin of the "Aryan-Hyperboreans") was popularized in the "documentary" programs of the REN TV television network, including broadcasts by Igor Prokopenko and Oleg Shishkin.[38]

In a number of areas of Russian nationalism, the "Aryan" idea is used to justify the right to the territory of modern Russia or the former Soviet Union, which is declared to be the habitat of the ancient "Slavo-Aryans". In a number of post-Soviet countries, "Aryanism" is cultivated by neo-pagan movements that are not satisfied with the real history of their peoples. The pre-Christian past is idealized, allowing one to present one's ancestors as a great victorious people. The choice falls on paganism, since, according to these ideologists, it is endowed with an "Aryan heroic principle" and is not burdened by Christian morality, calling for mercy and ignoring the idea of the priority of "blood and soil".

Christianity is seen by neo-pagans as a hindrance to a successful "racial struggle". The rejection of Christianity and the return to the "ethnic religion", the "faith of the ancestors", according to neo-pagans, will help overcome the split of the nation and return to it the lost moral "Aryan" values that can lead it out of the crisis. Neo-pagans call for a return to the "Aryan worldview" in the name of public health, which is being destroyed by modern civilization. Within this discourse, the slogans of the Conservative Revolution of the 1920s are once again becoming popular. Declaring themselves "Aryans", the radicals seek to fight for the "salvation of the white race", which results in attacks on "migrants" and other representatives of non-titular nationalities.[39][page needed]

In many areas of Slavic neo-paganism (rodnovery), Slavs or Russians are credited with historical and cultural or racial superiority over other peoples. This ideology includes Russian messianism, with the Russian people being considered the only force capable of resisting world evil and leading the rest of the world.[39][page needed] The "Aryan" idea sets before Russia the task of building an analogue of the "Fourth Reich", a new "Aryan" empire on a global scale.[37] The Russian Aryan myth rejects any territorial disputes, since the Russian people are depicted as absolutely autochthonous throughout Eurasia.

Less common is the model of an ethno-national state associated with the separatism of certain Russian regions. The fragmentation of Russia into several Russian national states, devoid of ethnic minorities, is supposed. In both cases, it is believed that the cohesion of society in the new state should be built on a single "native faith".[39][page needed]

Modern Russian neo-paganism took shape in the second half[40] of the 1970s and is associated with the activities of antisemitic supporters of the Moscow Arabist Valery Yemelyanov (neopagan name - Velemir) and the former dissident and neo-Nazi activist Alexey Dobrovolsky (neopagan name - Dobroslav).[41][42]

Contemporary nationalism

Further information:
Rashism
Vladimir Putin and Vladimir Zhirinovsky are both considered Russian nationalists.
A rally in support of Novorossiya in Moscow on 11 June 2014

The Kremlin conducted a campaign against radical nationalists in the 2010s, and as a result, many of them are currently imprisoned, according to a Russian political scientist and a senior visiting fellow at the

Putinist Russia. In a poll conducted by Levada Center in 2021, 64% of Russian citizens identify Russia as a non-European country; while only 29% regarded Russia to be part of Europe.[44]

2014 Russian military intervention in Ukraine.[45] Nationalist political party Rodina cultivated ties with Eurosceptic, far-right and far-left political movements, supporting them financially and inviting them to Eurasian conferences in Crimea and Saint Petersburg.[46]

However, the Kremlin scaled nationalism down out of fears that prominent figures such as Igor Girkin began to act independently, following a brief period of stirring activism that resulted in Russian men volunteering to fight in Donbas in 2014 and 2015, according to Lipman. In Lipman's view, the Kremlin's aim is to prevent emotions that "might get out of control and motivate people to act independently".[43]

Academics Robert Horvath and Anton Shekhovtsov described how the Kremlin uses far-right groups to promote Russian nationalist or anti-western views in Russia and abroad. According to Horvath, the Kremlin cultivated neo-Nazis who reject democratic institutions and imposed restrictions on mainstream nationalists who may support free elections.[47][48] (See also Putinism § Relation to far-right.)

In November 2018, Vladimir Putin described himself as "the most effective nationalist", explaining that Russia is a multiethnic and multireligious state and preserving it as such serves the interests of the ethnic Russians. He remarked that Russian ethnicity didn't exist at some point and it was formed by multiple Slavic tribes.[49]

According to Michael Hirsh, a senior correspondent at Foreign Policy:

Graham and other Russia experts said it is a mistake to view Putin merely as an angry former KGB apparatchik upset at the fall of the Soviet Union and NATO’s encroachment after the Cold War, as he is often portrayed by Western commentators. Putin, himself, made this clear in his Feb. 21 speech, when he disavowed the Soviet legacy, inveighing against the mistakes made by former leaders Vladimir Lenin and Joseph Stalin to grant Ukraine even partial autonomy. ... Putin is rather a messianic Russian nationalist and Eurasianist whose constant invocation of history going back to Kievan Rus, however specious, is the best explanation for his view that Ukraine must be part of Russia’s sphere of influence, experts say. In his essay last July, Putin even suggested that the formation of a separate, democratic Ukrainian nation “is comparable in its consequences to the use of weapons of mass destruction against us.”[50]

Putin's views evolved over time. In his speech on 18 June 2004 at the international conference "Eurasian Integration: Trends of Modern Development and Challenges of Globalization", Putin said about the problems hindering integration: "I would say that these problems can be formulated very simply. This is great-power chauvinism, this is nationalism, this is the personal ambitions of those on whom political decisions depend, and, finally, this is just stupidity, ordinary cavemen's stupidity".[51]

Putin's address to the nation on 24 February 2022.[52] Minutes after Putin's announcement, the Russian invasion of Ukraine began.

Since around 2014, the Putin regime has adopted Russian nationalism and great-power chauvinism as its main policy.[53][54] In July 2021, Putin published an essay titled On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians, in which he states that Belarusians, Ukrainians and Russians should be in one All-Russian nation as a part of the Russian world and are "one people" whom "forces that have always sought to undermine our unity" wanted to "divide and rule".[55]

In

2021–2022 Russo-Ukrainian crisis,[56] Putin made a number of claims about Ukrainian and Soviet history, including stating that modern Ukraine was created by the Bolsheviks in 1917 as part of a communist appeasement of nationalism of ethnic minorities in the former Russian Empire, specifically blaming Vladimir Lenin for "detaching Ukraine from Russia".[57] Putin spoke of the "historic, strategic mistakes" that were made when in 1991 the USSR "granted sovereignty" to other Soviet republics on "historically Russian land" and called the entire episode "truly fatal".[58] He described Ukraine as being turned into the "anti-Russia" by the West.[59]

Russian nationalism and ethnic minorities

See also: Ethnic nationalism in Russia, List of ethnic groups in Russia, and Racism in Russia
Eurasianist ideologue Aleksandr Dugin is regarded as the most influential Russian nationalist theoretician of the 21st century.
Russia Day celebrations in Mirny, Sakha Republic, 12 June 2014

The issue of Russian nationalism with regard to Russia's relationship with its ethnic minorities has been extensively studied since the rapid expansion of Russia from the 16th century onward.[60] Since there is no English word which differentiates the meaning of the word "Russian", in Russian, it is either used as a term for an ethnic people ("Русский" – ethnic Russian) and it is also used as a term for the inhabitants of Russia ("Россиянин" – Russian citizen).[61]

The Russian conquest of Muslim Kazan is considered the first event which transformed Russia from a nearly homogenous nation into a multi-ethnic society.[62][63] Over the years and from the territorial base which it gained in Kazan, Russia managed to conquer Siberia and Manchuria and it also expanded into the Caucasus. At one point, Russia managed to annex a large territory of Eastern Europe, Finland, Central Asia, Mongolia and, on other occasions, it encroached into Turkish, Chinese, Afghan and Iranian territories. Various ethnic minorities have become increasingly viral and integrated into mainstream Russian society, and as a result, they have created a mixing picture of racial relationships in the modern Russian nationalist mindset. The work of understanding different ethnic minorities in relation to the Russian state can be traced back to the work of Philip Johan von Strahlenberg, a Swedish prisoner of war who settled in Tsarist Russia and became a geographer.

The concept is strongly understood by various minorities in Russia. The Volga Tatars and the Bashkirs, the two main Muslim peoples in Russia, have long been lauded as model minorities in Russia, and historically, they have been viewed more positively by the Russian nationalist movement. Furthermore, Tatar and Bashkir imams have worked to spread the Russian nationalist ideology in a way which is in accordance with their Islamic faith.[64][65]

Map showing the ethnic republics of the Russian Federation, plus annexed Crimea, that succeeded the national territories of Russian SFSR (pre-1990)

In the Caucasus, Russia gained a significant amount of support from the Ossetians, one of the few Christian-based peoples which live in the mountainous region.[66] There was also a strong amount of support for Russia among Armenians and Greeks, a sentiment which was largely due to the fact that the Armenians, the Greeks and the Orthodox government of Russia all adhered to similar religions.[67][68]

The

Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, under its chairman Boris Yeltsin, passed the law On the Rehabilitation of Repressed Peoples with Article 2 denouncing all mass deportations as "Stalin's policy of defamation and genocide".[70]

Pereyaslav Council.[71] Ukrainian Prince Alexander Bezborodko was responsible for manifesting the modern diplomacies of Russia under the reign of Catherine the Great.[72] Soviet leaders Nikita Khrushchev, Leonid Brezhnev, Konstantin Chernenko and Mikhail Gorbachev also had some ancestral connections to Ukraine.[73][74][75] In addition, Russia's biggest opposition leader, Alexei Navalny, is also of paternally of Ukrainian origin as well as being a potential Russian nationalist.[76]

2022 anti-war protests in Russia, stating that "If you are ashamed of being Russian now, don't worry, you are not Russian."[77]

managed democracy, in which nationalism is a part of the ideology.[79]

Georgians in Russia do not have a positive view of Russian nationalism, and as a result, vast majority of them maintain a neutral or negative opinion.[80] However, Russian expansion into the Caucasus mountains has been driven by Georgian figures such as Pavel Tsitsianov, who initiated the conquest of the Caucasus.[81] Pyotr Bagration was another Georgian who went on to become one of Russia's most celebrated heroes. Soviet Union's transformation into a superpower was the work of yet another Russified Georgian, Joseph Stalin, who had a complex relationship with Russian nationalism.[82]

Some of Dagestan's revered figures have long been respected by Russian nationalists, such as

Imperial Russia.[85]

Germans in Russia have long been treated with privileges under the Tsarist government and many Germans became prominent in Russian politics, education and economy, including the Tsarist House of Romanov, which also included many German-based figures, most notably Catherine the Great.[86][87][88] Many Germans fought in the Russian Civil War and regarded themselves as Russian nationalists.[citation needed] The Baltic German nobility were significantly loyal to the Russian Empire, but were resistant to nationalism until the Russian Revolution, identifying mainly as members of the Russian nobility.[89]

A number of critics believe the rise of Russian nationalism is belated. The reason is the passive attitude of Russians towards other peoples inhabiting Russia. Passivity arose because of the huge number of peoples of Russia, which were much smaller in number than Russians. They were easy to dominate and subdue.[90]: 251 [91] At the same time, the increase in the representation of Jews, Uzbeks, Germans, Armenians and other representatives of non-Russian peoples in the elites of Russia generates discontent and Russian "belated" nationalism.[citation needed] According to Boris Berezovsky, Russian nationalism is a huge danger that the entire non-Russian population of Russia will face on an increasing scale.[92]

Parties and organizations

Political Party Type Status Years of existence
Liberal Democratic Party of Russia Ultranationalist, Xenophobic Registered, Part of State Duma 1989–present
Communist Party of the Russian Federation Left-wing nationalism Registered, Part of State Duma 1993–present
National Sovereignty Party of Russia Nationalist Denied Registration 2000–2012
Great Russia Nationalist Denied Registration 2007–present
The Other Russia Ultranationalist, Irredentist Denied Registration 2010–present
Pamyat Ultranationalist, Monarchist Defunct 1980–1990s
Front of National Revolutionary Action Neo-Nazi Defunct 1991-1999
Russian All-People's Union Nationalist Defunct 1991–2001
Russian National Union Neo-Nazi Defunct 1993–1998
People's National Party Neo-Nazi Defunct 1994–2006
Rodina Nationalist Defunct 2003–2006
Russian National Socialist Party Neo-Nazi Defunct N/A
Russian National Unity Neo-Nazi Banned 1990–2000
Russian All-National Union Ultra-Nationalist Banned 1990–2011
National Salvation Front Left-Wing Nationalism, Right-Wing Nationalism Banned 1992–1993
National Bolshevik Party Ultranationalist, Xenophobic Banned 1994–2007
National Liberation Movement Nationalist
Slavic Union Neo-Nazi Banned 1999–2010
Movement Against Illegal Immigration Neo-Nazi Banned 2002–2011
National Socialist Society Neo-Nazi Banned 2004–2010
Northern Brotherhood Neo-Nazi Banned 2006–2012
Russians Nationalist, Xenophobic Banned 2011–2015
National Bolshevik Front Nationalist 2006–present
Derzhava (Russian party) Nationalist Banned
Eurasia Party Nationalist Banned
Labour Russia Left-Wing Nationalism Banned
National Republican Party of Russia Nationalist Banned 1991 - 1998
Patriots of Russia Nationalist Banned
People's Union (Russia) Nationalist Banned

See also

Bibliography

See also: Bibliography of Russian history
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  92. ^ "за всю свою историю Россия не прошла в полной мере через националистическую идею. Через идею национализма проходила Франция, Англия, Турция (не упоминаемая Березовским), евреи и другие. Березовский утверждал, что Россия будет проходить через националистическую идею, однако он не знает как это ударит для остальных нерусских (по евреям, татарам, кавказским народам). Все нерусское население безусловно столкнется с этим. Утверждал, что нерусские сталкивались с национализмом в 1990ые годы. По словам Березовского националистическая идея это огромная опасность, с которой все нерусское население России столкнется и в возрастающем масштабе будет сталкиватся в дальнешем. (from 41 min 00 se)". YouTube (in Russian). Retrieved 2023-01-24.

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