Tribes of Yemen

Kindah is historically divided into three sections, namely "the sons of Muawiyah," and to this is added the word "the noble ones," since they were the kings of Kindah,

The oldest Sabaean texts that refer to "Kinda" referred to them in Najd, in the second century BC,[171] The texts of Musnad script referred to Kinda and Madhhij as "the parsing of Sheba."^[172]

Mazhaj

The oldest mention of the Mazhij tribe dates back to the second century BC.

The Anas tribe is found in Dhamar, and the Anas tribe, and one of them is Al-Ansi, which is a tribe originally from Mazhaj, but it entered Bakil, like many other tribes, and there is a tribe Al-Riyashi, and one of them is Al-Riyashi in Al-Bayda Governorate and Al-Dhale’ from Mazhaj, and some news people mentioned that they are from Kinda And many others. There are many tribes in Madhaj, including the Al-Dulaim clans in the desert of Iraq and Syria, which trace their origins back to Zubaid.

Himyar

He is the eldest son of Saba, and the brother of Kahlan, according to the reports,^[175][176] Although the Himyarites were the ones who overthrew Saba and Hadhramaut and united them into one state, there is no indication that Himyar were sons of Saba, as the ancient Sabaean texts mentioned them as "the son of a paternal uncle," and this uncle was the greatest god of the kingdom. Ancient Qataban, not Sheba,^[177][178] They seized "Dahsum", which is the land of the Yafa and Al-Ma’afer tribe, and fought with Saba for a long time, until they completely overthrew it around 275 AD.

There are many tribes that are attributed to Himyar in all parts of Yemen and outside it, and talk about their divisions depends on the writings of the informants, not the Musnad inscriptions. The Musnad texts did not mention that Himyar, or "Himyar," was a man and had children, or that his real name was "Al-Arnaj," but because he wore a robe. Hamra is called Himyar,^[179] Like Sheba, the Himyarites are an ancient ruling family. The tribes joined them against Sheba and the informants considered them "Hymyar tribes."^[180]

The oldest text discovered about Himyar is a Hadhrami text that refers to the construction of a wall around Wadi Labna Hadhramaut. Its mission was to prevent the Himyarites from attacking the caravans of Kingdom of Hadramaut, between Shabwa and the port of Qena, and to block them from encroaching on the territory of the Kingdom of Hadhramaut towards the coast. The text dates back to the year 400 BC (fifth century),^[181] The Himyarites established their government at the end of the second century BC, at a time when the Kingdom of Sheba was greatly weakened, so the Himyarites swept the central and southern regions of Yemen "currently", and took over Dhofar Yarim as their capital,^[182] The first it was said of the Himyarites was Shammar Dhu Raydan, who fought many battles against Ili Sharh Yahudhab, and allied with Every enemy of the Sabaeans, but he did not win and was eventually forced to reconcile with the King of Sheba, but rather joined as a commander in his armies,^[183] > Himyar was divided, some of whom were allied with Sheba, and some of them remained independent and did not recognize the government of the Sabaean, which was weak at that period, so four royal dynasties appeared in Yemen, Hashid, and Bakil and two dynasties from Himyar, each of whom it was said called himself "King of Sheba and Dhu Raydan",^[184] The turmoil continued for a century and a half, and according to some estimates, twelve Himyarites appeared, before the Himyarites were able to establish their king in the year 275 AD, led by Shammar Yaharash.^[185]

Hadhramaut

Hadhramaut is the name of an ancient tribal union. Genealogists and informants considered it a belly of donkeys, and some of them said that a man named "Amer bin Qahtan" used to kill a lot. Whenever his enemies saw him, they said, "Hadhramaut",^[186] And other narrations that have no archaeological support or evidence, so Hadhramaut is not Himyarite, rather it is older than Himyar,^[187] The Hadhrami tribes are among the Himyarite tribes, such as Siban, Noah, Al-Sadaf, and Al-Sa'ir. Although no writing was discovered in the Musnad, relating to a genealogy of all the tribes, including the Hadhramaut tribes, proving the "Himyarite" of these tribes. Siban and Noah are ancient tribes, and Siban was mentioned alongside Al-Mahra, in a text written by Samifa Ashua Al-Himyari, and no chain of transmission was mentioned in the text. This described them as being alive from Hadhramaut, which is closer to the truth.^[188][189] Whereas these tribes, such as Siban, Nuh, and al-Humum, are the closest to the Mahra and the inhabitants of Socotra in their features and clothing, and have no relation to Himyar.

In general, Hadhramaut is considered somewhat less tribal than other regions in Yemen, despite the presence of tribes, and in a study conducted by the American researcher Sarah Phillips in cooperation with Sana’a university, the percentage of those who declared that loyalty should be to the state and not to the tribe was 70% higher than the population of Amran Governorate Al-Ahmar Centre.^[190]

Quda'ah

The name Qada’ah nor "Adnan" was not mentioned in ancient texts that predate Islam, and only a little about "Qahtan" (Qahtan) was mentioned in the Musnad texts as a land name, not in the form that the informants portrayed in the Umayyad and Abbas eras.^[191] Qada'ah includes many tribes, some of which are located in the south of the Arabia, and some of which are in the north of it, and it was the era of the Bani Umayyads. The beginning of boasting among the Arab tribes, and each attributed the tribes he wanted to his section, and composed legends and composed satirical poems against the other sections, until the matter reached the next, and each client was proud of the origin of his master and satirized the others,^[192] The Battle of Marj Rahit] was one of the most important wars that contributed to fueling grudges. The Yemenis were on the side of Marwan bin Al-Hakam, and the Qaysiyyah were on the side of Abdullah bin Al-Zubayr,^[193][194] The disagreement among informants and genealogists about "Quda’ah" is due to this boasting. The tribes that are considered "Quada’ah" are mentioned in the texts of the Musnad without ancestors, but rather as peoples. The most prominent of these tribes is Khawlan, which was mentioned as "Khulan," and " Dhi Khawlun", and other "Qada’i" tribes such as "Kalb" (Banu Kalb), "Nahd" and "Adhrat" (Adhrah), but it was not mentioned as a single tribal bloc called "Otter" at all.^[195]

Yafa'a

Yafa' played a role alongside other tribes in the October 14 Revolution against

The tribal structure can be classified into a number of organizational levels, namely: the tribal union, the tribe, the clan, and the house. This is an academic classification, but at the level of daily use, the term tribe is used to refer to the tribal union. It is also used to describe the tribe and the clan, and by comparing the tribal division with the administrative division of Yemen, the "tribal union" extends at the level of a number of governorates, while the "tribe" often coincides with the directorate, although it sometimes includes several directorates. Sometimes, more than one tribe shares the same district. As for the "clan," it corresponds to the center or isolation, while the house corresponds to the village, and many Yemeni villages bear the designation of a house (such as [[house] Al-Ahmar (Sanhan)|Beit Al-Ahmar]]), indicating a spatial or administrative bond and a kinship bond at the same time.[218]

Although studies of genealogy see that the lineage bond is the basic bond in society at its various levels, this generalization is incorrect, as many political and economic factors have played a role in Formation and restructuring of tribal unions, through fraternal system.^[219] Some tribes broke away from the Mazhaj tribal union, joining the Hashid tribes union and the Bakil union,^[220] Therefore, the bond at the level of "tribal union" is a bond based on loyalty, while at the tribe level, the bond is based on common interest, the tribe at this level is an organization for managing natural resources, and kinship forms the bond at the level of clan or house, as it includes individuals related by kinship to the fifth or The sixth or seventh.^[221]

Social structure

Historically, the Yemeni tribe formed an integrated political and economic unit independent of other units. It represented an organization for managing the collectively owned natural resources, a military unit responsible for defending its members and the individuals and groups affiliated with it, and a social organization that regulates the relationship between its members. The social status of individuals in the tribal group, the social relationships regulating their daily dealings, and the patterns of their social behavior were determined on the basis of the roles they played in the field of producing and protecting the economic requirements of the tribal group, so the tribal economy was in the Arabian Peninsula according to "Khaldun al-Naqib" is the economy of conquest, so the individuals who carry out the tasks of protecting the tribe occupied a high position in the tribe. The tribe was not composed only of individuals who descended from One common origin, but individuals from outside the kinship unit joined it, either optionally through the system of fraternization between the Companions, or compulsory through the annexation and annexation of prisoners of war, and the individuals who join the tribe occupy Through fraternization, an equal status is given to its original members, as long as they are committed to paying the "fine" and contributing to its defense.^[222]

The Yemeni people inherited very ancient social traditions and customs dating back to pre-Christian times, related to social patterns and their roles,^[223] The ancient Yemenis looked To the Makariba or Soothsayers a look of veneration and respect, as they represent the religious authority of the community, in addition to the fact that the unit of dealing in "tribal society" is the family, not the individual, the Sayyidah occupied The Hashemites had a high social status in the tribes with which they were associated, and their primary function was mediation between the tribes, in addition to a tribal custom that required the tribe to protect the neighbor, as the "lord" does not fight or carry weapons. They lived under the protection of the tribes.^[224]

They are followed by the class of "sheikhs or judges," who are of tribal origin, but they do not often carry weapons.^[225] Then "the tribe" is the one who usually carries weapons, and may work with Agricultural work However, they are averse to manual and craft work, and the truth is that "the tribe" is the highest social class, and the position of the "gentlemen" and judges is only with the consent and conviction of the tribes.^[226] There were classes that occupied a low social status, including the craftsmen and craftsmen class, and there were the "Muzayna" who were the circumcisers, barbers and cuppers, and there were the "Qashamen" who were the vegetable sellers and owners of stalls and carts, and there were the "Dawasheen" who recited welcome poems and sang Al-Zamil, and protection was provided to these groups of tribes due to the need for their services.^[227]

Distribution of power

The distribution of power in the traditional tribal society in Yemen took a hierarchical pattern parallel to the hierarchy of the tribal organization. In the Hashid tribes, the "Sheikh of the Sheikhs" stands at the head of the tribal authority, followed by the "Sheikh of Al-Daman," then the sheikhs. Then the headmaster and the secretaries. In the Bakil tribal confederation, there is the "Sheikh of Sheikhs," followed by the tribal heads, the "Captains.",^{[note 1]} then the sheikhs, followed by the elders and the trustees. As for the tribes of Hadhramaut, each outfit is headed by a "tailah," and each tribe is headed by a "colonel.",^{[note 2]} each thigh is headed by an "intruder", and the term sheikh in Hadhramaut was limited to sheikhs of religious knowledge.

Those holding the rank of "Sheikh of Sheikhs and Sheikhs of Al-Daman" in the Hashid tribes and their counterparts in other tribes constitute the elite and the political authority of the tribe,^[228] Or what they are called in Islamic historical writings “People of Solution and Contract",^[229] They are authorized by their tribes to conclude treaties, agreements, and alliances with the state and other tribes or dissolve them, and to represent the tribe before the state and other tribes.

As for those with the third rank in the distribution of power, "the sheikhs" and the equivalent, they constitute the [[military] elite] in the tribe, and they undertake the tasks of mobilizing tribal fighters, and leading them during wars. Next in rank are the "aqal and secretaries" and their counterparts. They constitute executive authority in the tribe, as they collect zakat and carry out what those of higher rank assign to them, such as summoning liabilities and documentation covenants and supervising the distribution of water irrigation, and other tasks.^[230]

Despite the differences in tribal authority structures from one tribal union to another, what is common to all of them is that the holders of positions of tribal authority were chosen by members of the tribe directly or indirectly. The sheikhs in the country of

As for the holders of the first rank, "Sheikh of Sheikhs," the method of their selection was and still is done through a mechanism similar to the system of Allegiance,^[235] Sheikh Sadiq al-Ahmar was pledged allegiance, succeeding his father Abdullah al-Ahmar in 2008, and in the same manner, Sheikh Sinan Abu Lahoum was installed as sheikh of the sheikhs of Bakil in 1977, as well as the inauguration of his son after him at a tribal conference in 1982.

The politicization of the social authority of the sheikhs of the tribes had negative effects on the state and the tribe alike, as it led, at the tribal level, to its transformation From an

Social relations in Yemeni tribal society were characterized by a collective nature. The unit of dealing was the family, not the individual. Ownership of pastures and natural resources was collective property. Individual disputes often turned into collective disputes[238] The Yemeni tribes designed a customary justice system for arbitration, based on settlement and reconciliation, not on punishment,^[239] In the tribe there is no authority authorized to impose punishment on violating persons,^[240] Tribal sheikhs are arbitrators between tribes, not judges over them. Therefore, the phenomenon of revenge spread among the Yemeni tribes, and revenge was not taken from the killer, but from any member of the clan to which he belonged.

Each Yemeni tribe has a "diwan", which constitutes a middle space between the tribe and the state, and a public space, which constitutes a space for deliberation on general issues for the tribe, making decisions related to resource management, and settling disputes between families and clans,^[241] Through a consensual process that took place among members of the tribe.

Recently, the tribe's decision-making processes are no longer carried out through consensus. Rather, the sheikh is the one who makes most of the decisions, without referring to the tribe's audience. This is what stripped the tribe of its traditional civil character, strengthened its sectarian character, and hindered the development of modern civil society.

Marginalized groups

The Jews were skilled goldsmiths and among the best dagger makers, and they were also present in Aden where the English[246] but most of them moved to life in Israel and the United States in any case, small numbers of them remained and they had no significant societal or political influence at all. There are Yemenis of Turkish and Persian origins, unlike those of African origins. They have integrated into society faster, and there is no discrimination against Yemenis of Turkish origins at all^[252] The difficult economic conditions that the country is going through contributed to in melting differences, not all the tribes in Yemen are like the tribes surrounding Sanaa, Amran governorate and Sanhan which saw themselves as participating with Ali Abdullah Saleh in rule. However, the discrimination that affects approximately five hundred thousand people to approximately one million people who are called the Muhamasheen or "Al-Akhdham" in further contempt for them still exists, and one chair was appointed for them in the Yemeni National Dialogue Conference, represented by the so-called Noman Al-Hudhaifi^[253] A number of their kings wrote works on medicine, industry, and language.^[254][255]

Political role

Throughout the history of the modern state and before it, the Yemeni tribe is considered politically important in building the state, and it forms part of its authority, and plays a major role in political decision-making, although it does not It has a vision for social transformation, but it has an influence in opposing or stopping every decision that conflicts with its interests. The expansion and effectiveness of the tribal role in Yemen has worked to strengthen tribal structures and adherence to the culture of privacy and unequal citizenship relations, which has remained one of the most important issues around which conflict between Modernization forces and traditional forces. This situation weakens the role of civil society and makes it unable to contribute to the process of democratic transformation because the traditional forces are considered conservative social forces resistant to change.

The tribe represents an essential component of social capital, and a living economic force whose influence extends to the relationship between the state and the tribe, and thus determines the level of institutionalization of the state, its ability to direct and make decisions, and the extent of implementing the rule of law.

The tribe in Yemen is viewed as a national entity from the point of view of those defending its existence in its current form. It is a major and ancient part of the components of the Yemeni people. Observers believe that Ali Abdullah Saleh used the tribe and directed it against civil values, until the civilization of civil society became mortgaged. In the hands of tribal sheikhs, Ali Abdullah Saleh's regime did not work for 33 years to establish the foundations of a civil society,

After Captain Stafford Haines occupied Aden on 19 January 1839 he pursued a policy based on provoking tribes to fight among themselves, thus reducing his need for large British forces.^[259] The occupation government agreed to this policy,^[260] Haines and those who came after him succeeded in dividing The south and east of Yemen were divided into sheikhdoms, sultanates, emirates and states, the number of which reached 25 tribal states, all of which were linked to protection agreements with the colonial administration in Aden.^[261]

When the South gained its independence in November 1967, the new state worked to eliminate the authority of the tribal sheikhs, and merged the tribal states into one

Judge Abdul Rahman al-Eryani assumed the presidency after the dismissal of Abdullah Al-Sallal. They do not have the influence of the tribes around Sanaa, but the elites who belong to this governorate, such as Beit Al-Iryani, realize that it is in their interest to maintain good relations with the tribal elites because they lack a tribal base to support them.^[264]

During the presidency of Judge Abd al-Rahman al-Iryani the military entered a party in political battles, starting with the conflict over the establishment of the National Council,^[265] where the forces presented What were known as the correction decisions of the armed forces, the correction officers demanded that the funds provided by the state to the tribal sheikhs be stopped. In August 1971 the government resigned and Prime Minister Ahmed Mohamed Noman justified the government's resignation due to its inability to fulfill its obligations due to... Tribal sheikhs’ depletion of the state budget,^{[266][267][268]} In December 1972 the resignation of the government of Mohsen Al-Aini due to... His demands, which were not met, were the dissolution of the Shura Council, which is dominated by sheikhs, the dissolution of the Tribal Affairs Authority, and the cessation of the sheikhs’ budget.^[269]

The June 13 Corrective Movement was led by Lieutenant Colonel

After the assassination of Al-Hamdi, Ahmed Hussein Al-Ghashmi assumed the presidency, and the tribal sheikhs, Lieutenant General Hassan Al-Omari demanded their positions in the armed forces, including Mujahid Abu Shawarib and Abdullah Al-Ahmar and Sinan Abu Lahoum, which is what happened to them[276] They detailed the military units on tribal and regional basis.^[276]

The period of Ali Abdullah Saleh

To strengthen the place of tribal sheikhs in power, in the eighties Ali Abdullah Saleh established the Tribal Affairs Authority to play the same role as the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, which was abolished by the assassinated President Ibrahim al-Hamdi, in organizing the distribution of funds.^[277]

During the 1990s, Ali Abdullah Saleh chose the patronage system as a way to quickly bypass the difficult process of state-building. In the absence of strong state institutions, the political elite in the Saleh era formed a model of cooperative governance where competing interests agreed to discipline through implicit acceptance of the resulting balance, and this balance was not disturbed except after the efforts of Ali Abdullah Saleh to strengthen the position of his son

The sheikhs and tribal leaders enjoyed broad powers in the state. The head of the Islah Party and the sheikh of the Hashid sheikhs Abdullah bin Hussein al-Ahmar was the speaker of Parliament,^[282] And his deputy, Sheikh Yahya Al-Ra’i from the Congress Party,^[283] They do not have academic or scientific qualifications, but their tribal influence enabled them to hold their positions. Ali Abdullah Saleh built a wide patronage network with the tribal leaders, which turned them into an extension of the weak state to obstruct any independent political movement of the tribes and prevent the formation of tribal entities compliant with the institutions of a modern state.^[284] The desire for independence from the government stems from within the tribal community in Yemen because of their conviction that the patronage system is better compared to submission to state institutions and the amount of influence that They enjoy it in their regions, but it is not something they would like to sacrifice easily.^[284] Tribes from different regions prefer to solve their problems on their own without state intervention, through tribal customs that they consider better for resolving conflicts, despite their demands from time to time. The state extends its influence.

There are two parties that dominate the Yemeni political scene, namely the General People's Congress Party and the Yemeni Islah Party, which are competing to attract tribal sheikhs, due to their tribal and political influence, and their relations with neighboring countries.^[285] Both parties have their own media outlets. The Islah Party has newspapers and channels that speak in its name and represent it, and the Party also controls The General People's Congress, on the official media for several decades, and when the Congress lost its authority over it, Ali Abdullah Saleh created Yemen Today Channel, and the Yemen Today newspaper, In addition to dozens of websites for both parties.

The tribes were not accustomed to submitting to a strong central authority. The majority of states that were established in Yemen did not control the tribal areas, especially the northern highlands. The sheikhs were the decision makers in their regions. During the Middle Ages, Yemeni society was divided into isolated and self-sufficient villages, and the tribal people were in Yemen are "supporters and allies" of the state and not subjects^[286] As well as the residents of cities and agricultural areas in which the tribal structure was weak, the Yemeni states were controlling On major ports and cities, where tribal ties are weakened to collect taxes from farmers and merchants.^[286]

Ali Abdullah Saleh worked to weaken and disperse the influential middle class and strengthened the position of the patriarchal pastoral forces represented by the tribal sheikhs in the countryside. The fragmentation of society has weakened the public sphere, making it unable to play its role in the field of democratic transformation, due to the separation between political and social authority and the continuation of traditional local loyalties, which generates political lethargy among the population,^[287] Joining parties, especially in the countryside, is done collectively due to the appeal of the two main parties in Yemen, namely the General People's Congress and the Yemeni Islah Party, to tribal sheikhs, and it is not based on conviction, knowledge, or understanding of the party's programmes. The majority of the population of the Yemeni countryside (where most of the population lives) are illiterate and cannot read and write.^[288] Ali Abdullah Saleh hindered the state's penetration into society, as he did not establish state agencies in many rural or even urban areas, and he did not work to establish the state's monopoly on the legitimate use of force. By forming networks of personal loyalty and subordination with traditional elite symbols of tribal sheikhs and local leaders, they can, through their social powers, control their followers and thus curb any attempt to demand their political, civil, social, economic, and cultural rights.

The sheikh of the Hashid sheikhs

Historically, the Yemeni army was in constant need of the support of tribal militias, or what became known as Popular Committees in its internal and external wars. It is a weak and disjointed army, and lacks military doctrine despite the numbers of its members, and the majority of its members are loyal to the tribe. My party accepted it as a military allegiance, and when the 26 September Revolution broke out in the north, the national state did not inherit from Imamate Kingdom a strong national army. Rather, some members of the army fled and sided with The deposed Imam was trying to regain power, and the revolution needed protection, so the state issued in 1963 the "Conscription Law", according to which conscription did not take place.[292]

Recruitment methods differed according to the differences in tribal structures. Citizens from the "central regions" where tribal ties were weak, in Taiz and Ibb in particular, volunteered individually, and what was established was It was called the "National Guard" to accommodate them, and its formations were regular formations, subject to a military "rank series" (rank series), and its members received monthly salaries, wore military clothing, and underwent military training.^[293] As for citizens from the northern regions, which are characterized by strong adherence to tribal ties, they used to apply for conscription en masse, under the leadership of their sheikhs, and what was called the "People's Army" was established to accommodate them. Although it was given a regular name, it was called "The Liberation Brigade".^[294] However, he remained outside the structure of the regular army, led by a group of tribal sheikhs, including sheikhs who occupy official positions in the military and civil state agencies, and some sources indicate that the late Sheikh Abdullah bin Hussein al-Ahmar alone leads a force of 20,000 armed tribesmen in the war between the republic and the monarchy.^[295]

Tribesmen and sheikhs realize that the continuation of their political roles is determined in light of the measures taken by state in the field of building a strong, professional and institutionalized army,^[296] Therefore, they contributed to hindering the army institution, and keeping it in a state of weakness, which made state a constant need to seek help from the tribal people's army, and a strong army capable of successfully waging conflicts and wars was not built, so The army did not dispense with it in all the battles it fought after the cessation of the Yemeni 26 September Revolution in 1970, so the tribal militias "irregular forces" had an important role in supporting the army of the north against the army of the Republic of Yemen Popular Democracy, during the two wars that broke out between the authorities of the two parts of Yemen in 1972 and 1979.^[297] Before the outbreak of the March 1979 War between the two sides, former President Ali Abdullah Saleh sent a letter to Sheikh Abdullah bin Hussein al-Ahmar. On 22 February 1979, he was asked to mobilize tribal forces and prepare to confront the turbulent situation on the border.^[298] The tribal sheikhs were the ones who pushed the authority. North to go to war in 1972, and the tribal militias started the war before the army started.^[299]

During the

The army's need to support tribal militias was and still is not only due to its weakness, but also to the army's desire to contain the tribes during the wars and battles it fights, and to ensure that they do not side with the other party. The Yemeni tribes have always been ready to enter wars with anyone against them. Whatever,[304] throughout Yemeni history the tribal sheikhs viewed war as a means of production,^[305] some of the tribes that were monarchies during the 1960s, cooperated in the late 1970s in what was known as the “Front War" with the National Democratic Front, which constitutes an extension of the forces that were fighting it in sixties^[306] The regime then imposed forced conscription on many of the youth of the central regions, which were witnessing a widespread rebellion., to ensure that they or those not recruited from their families do not participate in the rebellion against the army.

In exchange for the militias’ support for the regime in its wars during the last decades of the twentieth century, the regime granted tribal sheikhs money, lands, cars, and real estate, and granted some tribal sheikhs military ranks and job ranks in the state's administrative apparatus.

Since the 1960s, Hashid sheikhs close to the Saudi ruling family have been receiving huge monthly sums totaling $60–80 million annually, as pointed out by Dr. Gregory Goss, a professor of international relations at the University of Vermont, USA.,

The Irish researcher Fred Halliday mentioned that the imprint of President Ibrahim al-Hamdi was his rejection of foreign interference in Yemen's internal affairs,^[314] Indeed, as soon as Al-Hamdi was assassinated, Ahmed Al-Ghashmi who was from Hashed requested the return of monthly salaries,^[315] Al-Hamdi's intention was not hostile to Saudi Arabia. He wanted to adopt a foreign policy compatible with Riyadh, but he adopted an internal policy hostile to the interests of the tribal sheikhs and the Hashid. Specifically, through which the Saudi regime exerted its influence on Yemen,^[316] “Aid” was not limited to tribal sheikhs, but rather to members of political parties, as the Saudi patronage network increased in Yemen. Since the beginning of the eighties, the amount of this "aid" has reached three and a half billion dollars annually, and the number of people directly linked to Saudi Arabia is estimated at thousands within the country.^[317] As tribal elites play the largest role in Saudi-Yemeni relations to weaken the centrality of the state,^[318] It was stated in the memoirs of Sinan Abu Lahoum, Sheikh Sheikhs Bakil about how Saudi employees in Yemen communicated with tribal leaders and allocated monthly salaries, including Sinan himself, and about the Saudi advisors’ indication to King Faisal to stop supporting the House of Hamid al-Din because they were able to "buy" the Republican sheikhs.^[319]

In South Yemen, the circumstances were different. Relations between Saudi Arabia and The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (South Yemen) were tense, and Saudi Arabia did not have the same influence within that country as the North. The Socialist Party has succeeded in limiting the role of the tribal and religious leaders in the south of the country, but this does not negate Saudi Arabia's relations with “southern Yemeni" parties that were hostile to the Socialist Party, most notably the sultans and sheikhdoms that existed before the October 14 Revolution, but that did not prevent them. "Tense relations" due to support for the separatist forces led by Ali Salem al-Bayd in 1994,^[320] Where Saudi Arabia wanted a longer war and more money and weapons for the separatists.^[320] The white supporters lost quickly, but Saudi Arabia wanted to arm and support the tribes in the south, and they say to the Americans, "You don't know the tribes."^[320] Saudi Arabia was the only one that recognized the Democratic Republic of Yemen, which was declared by the Whites in 1994.

See also

• Population of Yemen
• Jews of Yemen
• Politics of Yemen

Main sources

• The 1994 Yemen War: Causes and Consequences prepared by Jamal Sanad Al-Suwaidi, Emirates Center for Strategic Studies and Research.
• Palace and Diwan, The Political Role of the Tribe in Yemen a group of researchers headed by Dr. Adel Mujahid Al-Shargbi, Sanaa, 2009 PDF
• Sinan Abu Lahoum, Yemen: Facts and Documents I Lived Part Two, Al-Afif Cultural Foundation, Sana’a, second edition, 2006
• Yemen.. Revolution and War until 1970 AD Edgar Aublance, Madbouly Library – Cairo – 1990AD.
• Zaid bin Ali Al-Wazir, An Attempt to Understand the Yemeni Problem, Al-Resala Foundation, D.B., 1971
• Abdul Wali Al-Shammiri, One Thousand Hours of War, Al-Yusr Library, Sana’a, second edition, 1995
• Muhammad Anam Ghalib, Yemen, Land and People: The Economics of Yemen Beirut, second edition, 1966

References