Albert Luthuli
President-General of the African National Congress | |
---|---|
In office December 1952 – 21 July 1967 | |
Preceded by | James Moroka |
Succeeded by | Oliver Tambo |
Rector of the University of Glasgow | |
In office 1962–1965 | |
Preceded by | Quintin Hogg |
Succeeded by | The Lord Reith |
Chief of the Umvoti River Reserve | |
In office January 1936 – November 1952 | |
Preceded by | Martin Luthuli |
Succeeded by | Position abolished |
Personal details | |
Born | c. 1898 Stanger, Natal, South Africa |
Resting place | Groutville Congregationalist Church, Stanger |
Nationality | South African |
Political party | African National Congress |
Other political affiliations | Congress Alliance |
Spouse |
Nokukhanya Bhengu (m. 1927) |
Children | 7, including traditional leader |
Awards | |
Part of a series on |
Apartheid |
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Albert John Luthuli
Luthuli was born to a Zulu family in 1898 at a
Luthuli's entered South African politics and the
Inspired by his
Early life
Albert John Luthuli was born at the Solusi Mission Station, a
Mtonya had converted to
Luthuli's paternal grandparents, Ntaba ka Madunjini and Titsi Mthethwa, were born in the early nineteenth century and had fought against potential annexation from Shaka's Zulu Kingdom.[7] They were also among the first converts of Aldin Grout, a missionary from the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABM), which was based near the Umvoti River north of Durban.[8] The abasemakholweni, a converted Christian community within the Umvoti Mission Station, elected Ntaba as their chief in 1860. This marked the start of a family tradition, as Ntaba's brother, son Martin, and grandson Albert were also subsequently elected as chiefs.[7]
Youth
Around 1908 or 1909, the
Luthuli resided in the home of his uncle, Chief Martin Luthuli, and his family. Martin was the first democratically elected chief of Groutville. In 1901, Martin founded the Natal Native Congress, which would later become the Natal branch of the African National Congress.
Education
Luthuli's mother, Mtonya, returned to Groutville and Luthuli returned to her care. They lived in a brand-new house built by his brother, Alfred, on the site where their grandfather, Ntaba, had once lived.[14] In order to be able to send her son to boarding school, Mtonya worked long hours in the fields of the land she owned. She also took in laundry from European families in the township of Stanger[12] to earn the necessary money for school.[15] Luthuli was educated at a local ABM mission school until 1914, and then transferred to the Ohlange Institute.[15]
Ohlange was founded by
Luthuli describes his experience at the Ohlange Institute as "rough-and-tumble."
Teaching
Around the age of nineteen years old, Luthuli's first job after graduation came as a principal at a rural
Luthuli proved himself to be a good teacher and the Natal Department of Education offered him a bursary in 1920 to study for a Higher Teacher's Diploma at Adams College.[23] Following the completion of his two years of study, he was offered another bursary, this time to study at the University of Fort Hare in the Eastern Cape. He refused, as he wanted to earn a salary to take care of his ageing mother.[22] This led him to accept a teaching position at Adams College, where he and Z. K. Matthews were among the first African teachers at the school.[24] Luthuli taught Zulu history, music, and literature,[24][22] and during his time as a teacher, he met his future wife, Nokukhanya Bhengu.[25] She was also a teacher at Adams and the granddaughter of a Zulu chief.[25][26] Luthuli was committed to providing quality education to African children and led the Teachers' College at Adams where he trained aspiring teachers and travelled to different institutions to teach students.[24]
Early political activity
Natal Native Teachers' Association
Luthuli was elected as the secretary of the Natal Native Teachers' Association in 1928 and served under Z. K. Matthews' presidency. He became the president of the association in 1933.
The Zulu Language and Cultural Society
After becoming disappointed with the Natal Native Teachers' Association's slow progress, Luthuli shifted his attention to establishing a new branch of the Teachers' Association called the Zulu Language and Cultural Society in 1935.
Cane Growers' Association
The 1936 Sugar Act limited production of sugar in order to keep the price from falling.[33] A quota system was implemented, and, for African cane growers, it was severely limiting. As a response Luthuli decided to revive the Groutville Cane Growers' Association of which he became chairman.[34] The association was used to make collective bargaining and advocacy more effective. The association achieved a significant victory: an amendment was made to the Sugar Act that allowed African cane growers to have a comprehensive quota. This meant if some farmers were unable to meet their individual quotas, others could make up the difference, ensuring that all cane would be sold and not wasted in the farms.[34][35]
Luthuli then founded the Natal and Zululand Bantu Cane Growers' Association, which he served as chairman.[36] The association brought almost all African cane growers into a single union.[17] It had very few achievements, but one of them was securing indirect representation on the central board through a non-white advisory board that was concerned with the production, processing, and marketing of sugar.[37] The structural inequalities and discrimination present in South African society hindered the association's efforts to promote the interests of non-white canegrowers, and they proved to be little match for the white canegrowers' associations.[38] As with the Teachers' Association, Luthuli was disappointed with the Growers' Association's few successes. He believed that whatever political role he took part in, the stubbornness and hostility of the government would prevent any significant progress from being made.[38] Luthuli continued to support the interests of black cane growers, and was the only black representative on the central board until 1953.[38]
Chief of Groutville
In 1933, Luthuli was asked to succeed his uncle, Martin, as chief of the Umvoti River Reserve.[39] He took two years to make his decision. His salary as a teacher was enough for him to send money home to support his family, but if he accepted the chieftainship he would earn less than one-fifth of his current salary.[40] Furthermore, leaving a job at Adams College, where he worked with people of different ethnicities from all over South Africa, to become a Zulu chief appeared to be a move towards a more insular way of life.[41] Luthuli opted for the role of chief and said he was not motivated by a desire for wealth, fame, or power.[42] At the end of 1935, he was elected as chief and relocated to Groutville.[42] He commenced his duties on January 1936[43][44] and continued in the role until he was deposed by the South African government in 1952.[45][46]
Some chiefs abused their power and used their close relationship with the government to act as dictators. They increased their wealth by claiming ownership of land that was not rightfully theirs, charged excessive fees for services, and accepted bribes to resolve disputes.
The position of Africans in the reserves continued to regress as a result of laws passed that controlled their social mobility.[49] The Hertzog Bills were introduced a year after Luthuli was elected chief and were instrumental in the restriction and control of Africans. The first bill, the Natives Representation Bill, removed Africans from the voters' roll in the Cape and created the Natives Representative Council (NRC).[50] The second bill, the Natives Land and Trust Bill, restricted the land available to the African population of 12 million to less than 13 per cent. The remaining 87 per cent of land in South Africa was primarily reserved for the white population of approximately 3 million in 1936.[51][42] Limited access to land and poor agricultural technology negatively affected the people of Groutville, and the government's policies led to a shortage of land, education, and job opportunities, which limited the potential achievements of the population.[35] Luthuli viewed the conditions of Groutville as a microcosm that affected all black people in South Africa.[35]
Natives Representative Council
It was only too true. For years now they had talked. Nobody listened. I was disillusioned myself, and could only reply, "There are people beyond South Africa who sometimes hear what we say. All we can do is try to shout to the world. All I can do is to help us shout louder."
— Albert Luthuli's response to claims that the Native Representative Council was ineffective.[52]
The Natives Representative Council (NRC), an advisory body to the government, was established in 1936 with the purpose of compensating and appeasing the African population, who had lost their limited voting rights in the Cape Province due to the enactment of the Hertzog Bills.[50][53][54]
In 1946, after John Dube's death, Luthuli became a member of the Natives Representative Council through a by-election.[54][55] He brought his long-standing grievances about insufficient land for African people to the NRC meetings.[56] In August 1946, Luthuli, along with other councilors, objected to the government's use of force to quell a large strike by African mineworkers.[57][58] Luthuli accused the government of disregarding African complaints against their segregationist policies, and African councilors adjourned in protest.[57] He would later describe the NRC as a "toy telephone" requiring him to "shout a little louder" even though no one was listening.[59][60] The NRC reconvened later in 1946 but adjourned again indefinitely. Its members refused to co-operate with the government, which caused it to become ineffective.[61] The NRC never met after that point and it was disbanded by the government in 1952.[62][57]
Luthuli frequently addressed the criticism from black South Africans who believed that serving in the Native Representative Council would lead to nothing but talk, and that the NRC was a form of deceit served by the South African government.[55] He often agreed with these sentiments, but he and other contemporary African leaders believed that Africans should represent themselves in all structures created by the government, even if only to change them.[52] He was determined to take the demands and grievances of his people to the government. In the end, like others before him, Luthuli realized that his efforts were futile. In an interview with Drum Magazine in May 1953, Luthuli said that joining the NRC gave White South Africans "a last chance to prove their good faith" but they "had not done so".[59]
President of the Natal ANC
After
In Luthuli's first appearance as Natal ANC president at the ANC's national conference, he pleaded for more time to be given to the Natal ANC in preparation for the planned Defiance Campaign, a large act of civil disobedience by non-white South Africans.[68][63] Some members of the ANC did not support his request, and he was jeered at and labelled a coward.[69] However, Luthuli had no prior knowledge of this planned campaign and only found out about it as he was travelling to Bloemfontein, where the ANC's national conference was held.[70][68] Many of the details about the campaign were given to his predecessor, A.W.G Champion.[68] The Natal ANC agreed to prepare for the Defiance Campaign, which was slated for the latter half of 1952, and participate as soon as they were ready.[69][63]
Defiance Campaign
The preparations for the
Beginning in June, around 8500 volunteers
Despite the efforts of the Defiance Campaign, the government's attitude remained unchanged, and they viewed the event as "
Prior to the campaign, the ANC's membership numbered 25,000 in 1951. After the conclusion of the Campaign in 1953, it had increased to 100,000.[79][80] For the first time African, Indian, and Coloured communities across the country cooperated on a national scale.[80] The Defiance Campaign was also praised for its absence of violence. Even though there were thousands of protesters and some incidents of violence occurred, the low level of violence overall was a notable accomplishment.[81] Due to Luthuli's role in the Defiance Campaign as president of the Natal ANC, he was given an ultimatum by the government to choose between his work as a chief at Umvoti or his affiliation with the ANC.[82][83][84] He refused to choose, and the government deposed him as chief in November 1952.[45]
President-General of the ANC
In December 1952, Albert Luthuli was elected president general of the ANC with the support of the
Luthuli led the ANC in its most difficult years; many of his executive members, such as Secretary-General
First ban
On 30 May 1953, the government banned Luthuli for a year,[89][90] prohibiting him from attending any political or public gatherings and from entering major cities.[91] He was restricted to small towns and private meetings for the rest of 1953.[92] The Riotous Assemblies Act and the Criminal Law Amendment Act provided the legal framework for the issuing of banning orders. It was the first of four banning orders that Luthuli would receive as President-General of the ANC.[92] Following the expiration of his ban, Luthuli continued to attend and speak at anti-apartheid conferences.[93]
Second ban
In mid-1954, following the expiration of his ban, Luthuli was due to lead a protest in the
Congress of the People and Freedom Charter
In 1953, Z. K. Matthews proposed a large democratic convention, to be known as the Congress of the People, where all South Africans would be invited to create a Freedom Charter.[97][98] Despite complaints within the ANC from Africanists who believed the ANC should not work with other races, a multiracial organization, the Congress Alliance, was created as part of the preparation for the Congress of the People.[99][100] The alliance was led by the ANC and included the South African Indian Congress, Coloured Peoples Conference, Federation of South African Women, Congress of Trade Unions, and the Congress of Democrats.[101] Luthuli viewed the multiracial organisation as a way to bring freedom to South Africa.[101] After convening a secret meeting in December 1954 due to Luthuli's ban,[98] the Congress of the People took place in Kliptown, Johannesburg, in June 1955.[102][103]
Inspired by the values held in the
Luthuli was not able to attend the Congress of the People or the framing of the Freedom Charter due to a
Treason Trial
After his second banning order expired in July 1956, he was arrested on 5 December and detained during the preliminary Treason Trial hearings in 1957.
The charges brought against the accused covered the period from 1 October 1952 to 13 December 1956, which included events such as the Defiance Campaign, Sophiatown removals protest, and the Congress of the People.[118] Following the preparatory examination period that began on 19 December 1956, all defendants were released on bail.[118] The pre-trial examination concluded in December 1957, resulting in charges being dropped against 65 of the accused, including Luthuli who was acquitted.[119][120] The trial for the remaining 91 accused individuals began in August 1958 as the Treason Trial commenced.[121] By 1959, only thirty of the accused remained.[122] The trial concluded on 29 March 1961 as all of the remaining defendants were found not guilty.[122][121]
Many of the
Third ban and banning of the ANC
On 25 May 1959, the government served Luthuli his third banning order, which lasted for five years.[125] This ban prevented Luthuli from attending any meeting held within South Africa and confined him to his home district.[126] Luthuli's democratic values had been recognised by many white South Africans,[127] and he had gained a minor celebrity status among some white people, which caused the government to view him with more contempt.[128] When news of his ban spread, supporters of all races gathered to bid farewell to Luthuli.[129]
While Luthuli was still under a banning order, the ANC, led by Luthuli, announced an anti-pass campaign starting at the end of March 1960.
Following his return from prison to Groutville, Luthuli's power began to wane due to the banning of the ANC and the banning and imprisonment of supporting leaders, a decline in his health since his stroke and heart attack, and the rise of members in the ANC advocating for an armed struggle.[137] Duma Nokwe, Walter Sisulu, and Nelson Mandela, who had provided leadership for the ANC during South Africa's state of emergency, were determined to steer the ANC in a new direction. In May 1961, following a strike, they believed that "traditional weapons of protest… were no longer appropriate." They constantly evaluated whether the conditions were favourable to launch an armed resistance.[138]
uMkhonto we Sizwe
In June 1961, during a National Executive Committee Working Group session, Mandela proposed that the ANC adopt a self-defense platform. With the government's bans on the ANC and nonviolent protests, Mandela believed waiting for revolutionary conditions to arise, which was favoured by communist members, was not an option. Instead, the ANC had to adapt to their new underground conditions and draw inspiration from successful uprisings in Cuba, Algeria, and Vietnam.[139][140] Mandela argued that the ANC was the only anti-apartheid organisation that had the capacity to adopt an armed struggle and if they didn't take the lead, they would fall behind in their own movement.[141]
In July 1961, the ANC and Congress Alliance met to hold debates during an ANC NEC meeting surrounding the feasibility of Nelson Mandela's proposal of armed self-defence.[142] Luthuli did not support an armed struggle as he believed the ANC members were ill-prepared without modern firearms and battlefield experience.[143] In a following meeting a day later, a contentious back-and-forth arose. Supporters of armed defence believed the ANC was afraid and running from a physical fight while others believed counter-violence would provoke the government into arresting and killing them.[144][145]
While Luthuli did not support an armed struggle, he also did not oppose it.
Nobel Peace Prize
In October 1961, during his most severe ban yet, Luthuli received the 1960
The Nobel Prize transformed Luthuli from being relatively unknown to a global celebrity. He received congratulatory letters from leaders of 25 countries, including
The reaction from South Africa's government, as well as many
Luthuli received congratulations from some
International popularity
Following his
Luthuli's adherence to nonviolence also had support from his friend and
Artist
Fourth ban
Effective 31 May 1964,
He was already weak when I returned to Groutville [from the farms in Swaziland] in 1966. And he was very touchy. He got depressed when something went wrong in the house. His feelings had run high because of the treatment he received from the police. They often used to come and take him away from the house, even at that stage. I decided not to go back in 1966 because things had deteriorated so much at home that I needed time to work up the fields and crops.
— Luthuli's wife, Nokukhanya, on his declining health.[178]
Luthuli's political and
Death
On Friday 21 July 1967, Luthuli left his house at 08:30 and informed his wife that he would be walking to his store near Gledhow train station. Luthuli traveled from his house to his store and back daily. An hour later at 09:30, he arrived at his store where he delivered a package to his employee.[182] Around 10:00, Luthuli left his store and told his store employee that he was going to his field, and would return later. Forty minutes later Luthuli crossed the river again to return to his store without having met with any of his field workers. On his way back to his store, Luthuli was struck by a goods train.[183]
He said that [tomorrow] he wanted to go and see how the cane workers were progressing ... I protested: "But you were there yesterday. You get so exhausted and you look so tired. I will go myself, either tomorrow or on Monday, when I come back from Durban. There is no hurry". But he insisted saying, "No, I'll go".
— Nokukhanya recounts her and Luthuli's argument a day before his death.[184]
At 10:29, a goods train pulled by a
For two and a half hours, from 11:50 to 14:20, the doctors treated Luthuli's
Reaction
After learning of Luthuli's death, people around the world immediately suspected foul play from the South African government.
See also
- International Fellowship of Reconciliation
- List of black Nobel laureates
- List of people subject to banning orders under apartheid
Notes
Citations
- ^ Jain, Chelsi. "United Nations Prize in the Field of Human Rights" (PDF). United Nations Human Rights Prize. Archived (PDF) from the original on 11 April 2023. Retrieved 13 February 2023.
- ^ a b c Luthuli 1962, p. 24.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 15.
- ^ Woodson 1986, p. 345.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 8.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, p. 23.
- ^ a b c Vinson 2018, p. 16.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 7.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, p. 25.
- ^ Kumalo 2009, p. 2.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 18.
- ^ a b c Benson 1963, p. 4.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 16, 18.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 19.
- ^ a b c d e f Benson 1963, p. 6.
- ^ a b c Luthuli 1962, p. 28.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 29.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 20.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, p. 29.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, p. 30.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, pp. 32.
- ^ a b c Benson 1963, p. 7.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 20-21.
- ^ a b c Vinson 2018, p. 21.
- ^ a b Luthuli 1962, pp. 43.
- ^ Benson 1963, p. 8.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 37.
- ^ Couper 2010, pp. 37–38.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 38.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 39.
- ^ Marks 1989, p. 217.
- ^ Couper 2010, pp. 39–40.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 28.
- ^ a b Luthuli 1962, p. 66.
- ^ a b c Couper 2010, p. 42.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, p. 67.
- ^ Couper 2010, pp. 42–43.
- ^ a b c Couper 2010, p. 43.
- ^ Legum 1968, p. 54.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 24.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 7.
- ^ a b c Pillay 2012, p. 8.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 25.
- ^ Woodson 1986, p. 346.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 45.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 58.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 24–25.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 27.
- ^ Woodson 1986, p. 347.
- ^ a b Luthuli 1962, p. 93.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, p. 94.
- ^ a b Luthuli 1962, p. 103.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 46.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 30.
- ^ a b Luthuli 1962, p. 102.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 30–31.
- ^ a b c Vinson 2018, p. 31.
- ^ Evans 1997, p. 187.
- ^ a b Pillay 2012, p. 11.
- ^ Benson 1963, p. 15.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 47.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, p. 105.
- ^ a b c d Pillay 2012, p. 12.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 53.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 39.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 54.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 40.
- ^ a b c d Benson 1963, p. 18.
- ^ a b c Couper 2010, p. 55.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, p. 112.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, p. 116.
- ^ Luthuli 1962, p. 115.
- ^ Legum 1968, p. 59.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 41.
- ^ Legum 1968, pp. 59–60.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 56.
- ^ Legum 1968, p. 60.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 14.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 42–43.
- ^ a b Pillay 2012, p. 15.
- ^ Pillay 2012, pp. 14–15.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 44–45.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 16.
- ^ Legum 1968, p. 61.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 47.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 75.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 62.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 17.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 51.
- ^ Legum 1968, p. 63.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 51-52.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 66.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 67.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 55.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 19.
- ^ Benson 1963, p. 26.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 63.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 60.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 58–59.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 43.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 59.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 60–61.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 69.
- ^ a b c Vinson 2018, p. 61.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 61–62.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 62.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 63.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 64.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 65.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 66.
- ^ Benson 1963, p. 27.
- ^ Benson 1963, p. 28.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 72.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 21.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 72–73.
- ^ Benson 1963, p. 29.
- ^ Legum 1968, p. 64.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 73.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 76–77.
- ^ Callinicos 2004, p. 235.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 74.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 77.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 76.
- ^ a b Benson 1963, p. 32.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 83.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 82.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 80.
- ^ Benson 1963, p. 38.
- ^ Legum 1968, p. 66.
- ^ Benson 1963, p. 42.
- ^ Benson 1963, p. 43.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 22.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 86.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 87.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 91.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 94.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 154.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 102.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 102.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 102–103.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 103.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 104–105.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 105.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 107.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 108.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 106.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 109–110.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 109.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 11.
- ^ a b c d e Pillay 2012, p. 25.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 110.
- ^ Benson 1963, p. 52.
- ^ Benson 1963, pp. 55–56.
- ^ a b Benson 1963, p. 57.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 135.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 118.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 112.
- ^ Pillay 2012, pp. 25–27.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 27.
- ^ a b Vinson 2018, p. 111.
- ^ Vinson 2018, pp. 111–112.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 117.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 13.
- ^ Pillay 2012, p. 29.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 165.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 169.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 166.
- ^ Baldwin 1992, p. 201.
- ^ Nesbitt 2004, p. 62.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 163.
- ^ Couper 2010, pp. 163–164.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 164.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 185.
- ^ Couper 2010, pp. 185–186.
- ^ Vinson 2018, p. 130.
- ^ Couper 2010, pp. 183–184.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 184.
- ^ Rule 1993, p. 137.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 186.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 187.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 188.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 189.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 190.
- ^ Rule 1993, p. 140.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 191.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 192.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 193.
- ^ Couper 2010, pp. 193–194.
- ^ a b Couper 2010, p. 194.
- ^ a b c Couper 2010, p. 195.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 196.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 198.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 199.
- ^ Couper 2010, p. 203.
- ^ "Inquests into apartheid-era deaths of Chief Albert Luthuli, Griffiths Mxenge and Booi Mantyi to be reopened". Daily Maverick. 14 May 2024. Retrieved 14 May 2024.
References
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- Benson, Mary (1963). Chief Albert Lutuli of South Africa. Oxford University Press.
- Callinicos, Luli (2004). Oliver Tambo: Beyond the Engeli Mountains. David Philip Publishers. ISBN 978-0864866660. Archivedfrom the original on 11 April 2023. Retrieved 24 October 2022.
- Couper, Scott (11 October 2010). Albert Luthuli: Bound by Faith. University of KwaZulu-Natal Press. ISBN 9781869141929. Archivedfrom the original on 6 April 2023. Retrieved 18 March 2023.
- Evans, Ivan (1997). Bureaucracy and Race. University of California Press. ISBN 9780520206519. Archivedfrom the original on 11 April 2023. Retrieved 29 March 2023.
- Kumalo, Simangaliso (2009). "Faith and politics in the context of struggle: The legacy of Inkosi Albert John Luthuli's Christian-centred political leadership". Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae. 35: 1–13. ISSN 2412-4265.
- Legum, Colin (1968). The Bitter Choice: Eight South Africans' Resistance to Tyranny. The World Publishing Company. Archived from the original on 6 April 2023. Retrieved 24 October 2022.
- Luthuli, Albert (1 January 1962). Let My People Go. McGraw-Hill. ISBN 978-0070391208. Archivedfrom the original on 7 April 2023. Retrieved 24 October 2022.
- ISBN 978-0520074200.
- Nesbitt, Francis (2004). Race for Sanctions. Indiana University Press. ISBN 9780253342324. Archivedfrom the original on 7 April 2023. Retrieved 24 October 2022.
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- Rule, Peter (1993). Nokukhanya, Mother of Light. Grail. ISBN 9780620172592. Archivedfrom the original on 6 April 2023. Retrieved 1 October 2022.
- Vinson, Robert Trent (9 August 2018). Albert Luthuli. Ohio University Press. ISBN 978-0-8214-4642-3. Archivedfrom the original on 11 April 2023. Retrieved 1 June 2020.
- Woodson, Dorothy C. (1986). "Albert Luthuli and the African National Congress: A Bio-Bibliography". History in Africa. 13: 345–362. S2CID 154739492.